https://loeterno.org Lo Eterno Thu, 18 May 2023 19:17:28 +0000 https://loeterno.org en https://loeterno.org/Homepage Mon, 30 Jan 2023 12:21:54 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/Homepage <img width="2000" height="2000" width_o="2000" height_o="2000" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/fc7d0032f13b165ce901fb056a847264d3092243c3e3120dc154d7d03fa07d19/loeternologonovo1.jpg" data-mid="166611449" border="0" data-scale="26" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/fc7d0032f13b165ce901fb056a847264d3092243c3e3120dc154d7d03fa07d19/loeternologonovo1.jpg" /> https://loeterno.org/fine-art-venezuelan-muralism-and-resistence Thu, 18 May 2023 19:17:28 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/fine-art-venezuelan-muralism-and-resistence fine art: venezuelan muralism and resistence leo gimenes07/06/2023 español português <img width="4032" height="3024" width_o="4032" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4fcc7fe631a1c228e945a5f93aee9fd7ffa07a97ec3f68722ae1266de2067778/hasta-la-victoria-siempre-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355877" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4fcc7fe631a1c228e945a5f93aee9fd7ffa07a97ec3f68722ae1266de2067778/hasta-la-victoria-siempre-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="3360" width_o="3024" height_o="3360" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/373caa44159e7ff9988a82ba355b492f2f5f880d18c41a23ab6c0924467553a3/chavez-eyes-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355838" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/373caa44159e7ff9988a82ba355b492f2f5f880d18c41a23ab6c0924467553a3/chavez-eyes-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3924" height="2943" width_o="3924" height_o="2943" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/82cf25e23979a56bb8bdb1582e85f630339a9f5b8befd51f7a2d6a857775864c/nuestra-tierra-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355847" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/82cf25e23979a56bb8bdb1582e85f630339a9f5b8befd51f7a2d6a857775864c/nuestra-tierra-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3961" height="2971" width_o="3961" height_o="2971" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/3d36d252d482d636176ba45f6ea77900c1c91a69d1d05087cb4b787e7ba18de1/che-hands-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355870" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/3d36d252d482d636176ba45f6ea77900c1c91a69d1d05087cb4b787e7ba18de1/che-hands-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5af681760d589c1ac663d933eb97597acd91113a66e81d8a5595cfe6913efb0b/chavez-amor-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355843" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/5af681760d589c1ac663d933eb97597acd91113a66e81d8a5595cfe6913efb0b/chavez-amor-mural.jpg" /> <img width="4032" height="2600" width_o="4032" height_o="2600" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/52a8cab93b9b01b22a8f9b620dcc5ee96f2541d7089dae962fec31588ed74c14/heart-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355851" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/52a8cab93b9b01b22a8f9b620dcc5ee96f2541d7089dae962fec31588ed74c14/heart-mural.jpg" /> <img width="4032" height="3024" width_o="4032" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4ba15517872600dbdfdf8dadcc884be743138923c5a0e052cc5698a8ebc6ef08/marisol-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355842" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4ba15517872600dbdfdf8dadcc884be743138923c5a0e052cc5698a8ebc6ef08/marisol-mural.jpg" /> <img width="4032" height="3024" width_o="4032" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/bb4612b24cfb620952b16632bcb6061207a94b876b847ab5f8843166714299f8/carabobo-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355862" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/bb4612b24cfb620952b16632bcb6061207a94b876b847ab5f8843166714299f8/carabobo-mural.jpg" /> <img width="2890" height="3854" width_o="2890" height_o="3854" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/dcdd7753f91e96d4b368e0f413c578f54d8cbb1dd5c672316c98a0ab76b38a78/chavez-maduro-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355865" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/dcdd7753f91e96d4b368e0f413c578f54d8cbb1dd5c672316c98a0ab76b38a78/chavez-maduro-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3932" height="2949" width_o="3932" height_o="2949" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/48d94457aec49c65a135dc2c8a4b361928e1e3b331c479e0923354fbc17195df/trippy-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355855" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/48d94457aec49c65a135dc2c8a4b361928e1e3b331c479e0923354fbc17195df/trippy-mural.jpg" /> <img width="4032" height="3024" width_o="4032" height_o="3024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/ee9d1f509965ec59f9fe2f628ad2e639beb860b7c0fd2efd1f9e460102e6c001/ali-primera-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355872" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/ee9d1f509965ec59f9fe2f628ad2e639beb860b7c0fd2efd1f9e460102e6c001/ali-primera-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3945" height="2959" width_o="3945" height_o="2959" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/adf00b3ac47c501f622888b7849cb53590023f1b67831f4dea95d48f18f113fd/laboratorio-teatral-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355876" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/adf00b3ac47c501f622888b7849cb53590023f1b67831f4dea95d48f18f113fd/laboratorio-teatral-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="3712" width_o="3024" height_o="3712" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f35e55a95de92af8cf08613be5a4640be144e02b286cf16efea645953658ec0d/comunas-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355874" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f35e55a95de92af8cf08613be5a4640be144e02b286cf16efea645953658ec0d/comunas-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3960" height="2970" width_o="3960" height_o="2970" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6c9553474cdae0fb711ef6152ad2499124a139ada5b0829b0366078ae57124f3/yulimar-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355879" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6c9553474cdae0fb711ef6152ad2499124a139ada5b0829b0366078ae57124f3/yulimar-mural.jpg" /> <img width="2924" height="3898" width_o="2924" height_o="3898" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/d86f016c5479a6d172e46691201e983c573c8fb01c0a0525cb31de3b594e153d/marti-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355869" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/d86f016c5479a6d172e46691201e983c573c8fb01c0a0525cb31de3b594e153d/marti-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c211a7030a5a4afc7f5640281d00426c9ea1ddb1e29f09c4c20859d770f024f7/zamora-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355857" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c211a7030a5a4afc7f5640281d00426c9ea1ddb1e29f09c4c20859d770f024f7/zamora-mural.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/45bc825031525fe059c82bcda9c8cb821818fd6739fed8a6feb330c7a23ec1bc/benito-juarez-mural.jpg" data-mid="181355849" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/45bc825031525fe059c82bcda9c8cb821818fd6739fed8a6feb330c7a23ec1bc/benito-juarez-mural.jpg" /> <img width="6228" height="3343" width_o="6228" height_o="3343" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/77ff359061ecac47b4afd2c1fb9c1f1b01758a7044753708d3d75078e658b5b6/okomural.jpg" data-mid="181355845" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/77ff359061ecac47b4afd2c1fb9c1f1b01758a7044753708d3d75078e658b5b6/okomural.jpg" /> Mural art or muralism has its origins in the early twentieth century, and was an inherent component of various Latin American artistic artworks and revolutionary movements. The themes of the murals frequently convened peasants and industrial workers, making allusions to quintessential left-wing icons whose emblematic symbolism remains interlaced with building revolution, national identity, and new paradigms. We can envision the iconic murals of Diego Rivera and David Siqueiros, synonymous to Mexican communist parties, anarchist groups, and trade union movements, as well as&nbsp; the groundbreaking work of Guatemalan Victor Aragón. There are also the incredible wood carvings by Ecuadorian Oswaldo Guayasamín, an artist of Quechua origin and also a proletarian, who had personality experienced the brutality of Ecuador's dictatorships. Further, we also have the works of Uruguayan Joaquín Torres García, who was deeply inspired by Soviet constructivism. Making art outside of museums and galleries therefore predates graffiti and pixação by many decades, later forms of aesthetic expression to which conservatives nowadays attribute a negative connotation, associating these practices with marginality and lack of good aesthetic taste. There is, however, a common factor between these art forms, which is that they effectively leave&nbsp; specialized spaces. Street art is made for the general public, and is not interested in the trained eye of the curator or the gallery owner, which creates tension with the art market and has led to persecution, imprisonment, and all sorts of violence. In a way the wall although associated with notions of borders and distance, also has a lot of voice and power to transform; to transmit ideas to many people in a dynamic way, hence its highly political and, consequently, revolutionary potential. This form of art at times embarks the historical process that Walter Benjamin refered to as "politicization of art". In this instince, we observe an openly political, popular, and thereby communist response to creative making. It is, in return, in direct opposition to the "aestheticization of politics", a concept that refers mostly to the visual and advertising strategies of fascist governments. In Venezuela, during the mandates of Comandante Hugo Chávez, the Bolivarian leader initiated a campaign in which he invited artists to occupy the streets of Caracas. With its immense concrete buildings that resemble of a tropical Soviet Union, the city constantly interacts with the gigantic green mountains that embrace it, creating a striking contrast. After visiting the city of Caracas for ten days, we noticed that the current government of Nicolás Maduro, it seems, is carrying out this project, which is proven by the images presented here. On every street corner we find a different mural design, frequently referring to the triumph of the revolution and/or to the legacy of Chávez and of the one who is considered the liberator of the nation, Simón Bolívar. Other murals address varied themes, exploring abstract forms, geometric planes, and all sorts of figurativeness, ranging from indigenous peoples, illustrious revolurionary musicians like Ali Primera and even dreamlike narratives embellished with creatures of regional cosmogonies. The set of images presented here is a sample of the diversity and richness of Venezuelan muralism today, its importance in building and maintaining the country's socialist revolution through art, and its aesthetic contribution on a global level. https://loeterno.org/esp-las-quien-defienden-la-tierra-resistencia-en-quito-en-el-marco Mon, 23 Jan 2023 22:53:15 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/esp-las-quien-defienden-la-tierra-resistencia-en-quito-en-el-marco las quien defienden la tierra: resistencia en quito en el marco del neoliberalismo&nbsp; aminta zea 23/01/2023 El siguiente es un archivo fotoperiodístico que documenta el histórico paro nacional que tuvo lugar en Quito, Ecuador, del 13 al 30 de junio de 2022. El paro funcionó como una forma directa de resistencia y lucha contra el violento régimen neoliberal sostenido actualmente por Guillermo Lasso, cuyas políticas económicas resultaron en un alza masiva de los precios de los bienes de consumo básico y del combustible. El gobierno de Lasso arremetió contra miles de manifestantes, muchos de los cuales marcharon desde las zonas rurales del país con la intención de defender su soberanía, su bienestar y sus derechos humanos. La tensión marcaba cada esquina, pero por cada policía militar había cientos de manifestantes militantes dispuestos a poner su cuerpo y su alma en primera línea para defender su tierra y su pueblo. Esta galería fotográfica se centra intencionadamente en la resistencia invocada por las mujeres, tanto indígenas como mestizas. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/eeecab9a15f8f9ae68fb1bf9aa3c2f0c5240f8fb9edc7e92d4bf561e9233bb3a/IMG_2425.JPG" data-mid="165757248" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/eeecab9a15f8f9ae68fb1bf9aa3c2f0c5240f8fb9edc7e92d4bf561e9233bb3a/IMG_2425.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/12b9c9c819e8062359e50346bd7407d32fdf99176055fd0c854c18cb280fd10e/IMG_2415.JPG" data-mid="165757250" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/12b9c9c819e8062359e50346bd7407d32fdf99176055fd0c854c18cb280fd10e/IMG_2415.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/04bc4e8a0a37d0b4b5d0bf42c3b81f62469bd57255ef1678ffca930b9e217f8e/women-quito.JPG" data-mid="165757240" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/04bc4e8a0a37d0b4b5d0bf42c3b81f62469bd57255ef1678ffca930b9e217f8e/women-quito.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e5ec28a2b21ee90730e1bddcc0ad04d0962527d185e87a6d4a35893d9769566c/IMG_2427.JPG" data-mid="165757242" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e5ec28a2b21ee90730e1bddcc0ad04d0962527d185e87a6d4a35893d9769566c/IMG_2427.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/933162ce36d318e4046f47bb544115b8aaaa6e4c03b482f1b6fa0ac6a27be41e/IMG_2411.JPG" data-mid="165757245" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/933162ce36d318e4046f47bb544115b8aaaa6e4c03b482f1b6fa0ac6a27be41e/IMG_2411.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2c968791bedfbac41578167026410b2b61afe19bb87bf20c42dbe78ab863568f/IMG_2419.JPG" data-mid="165757244" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2c968791bedfbac41578167026410b2b61afe19bb87bf20c42dbe78ab863568f/IMG_2419.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/400f0acc79ad8790ebfbca936a3fdd4c871286042a8d7debb6033ec4ff4de5f6/IMG_2422.JPG" data-mid="165757249" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/400f0acc79ad8790ebfbca936a3fdd4c871286042a8d7debb6033ec4ff4de5f6/IMG_2422.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6c4f07e16ef1cb667beb8504a31ae3599508e5bfc4a2a569ba32fccb3dd9b9af/IMG_2431.JPG" data-mid="165757241" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6c4f07e16ef1cb667beb8504a31ae3599508e5bfc4a2a569ba32fccb3dd9b9af/IMG_2431.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/596b7460e3e2f93d64bd1dd86c4a16f853250229710e21d22c0debd2e92c8923/IMG_2420.JPG" data-mid="165757243" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/596b7460e3e2f93d64bd1dd86c4a16f853250229710e21d22c0debd2e92c8923/IMG_2420.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/afc49474ecc4d2f34331f5d97bfc30b6742085231af2401248eaecab92f37748/IMG_2426.JPG" data-mid="165757247" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/afc49474ecc4d2f34331f5d97bfc30b6742085231af2401248eaecab92f37748/IMG_2426.JPG" /> https://loeterno.org/evangelical-aesthetics-between-the-neo-pentecostal-and-neoliberalism Tue, 31 Jan 2023 16:19:04 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/evangelical-aesthetics-between-the-neo-pentecostal-and-neoliberalism evangelical aesthetics:&nbsp;between the neo-pentecostal and neoliberalism in Brazil leo gimenes + aminta zea17/02/2023 español portuguese The explosive expansion of the evangelical community throughout Brazil is a consequence of it being statistically the fastest growing religious group nationwide. Its current visibility in politics is due in part to the Bancada Evangélica (Parliamentary Evangelical Front) and local businessmen who support a right-wing conservative agenda. Roaming around São Paulo, we can observe how sites of religious practice and corporate enterprise share a stark visual identity. Concentrated in upper middle class neighborhoods, the front doors of some evangelical churches and corporate neoliberal establishments are not mere coincidences – they illuminate a tightly wound ideological and aesthetic relationship that props up individualism and labor as a means of identity and value. Between neoliberalism and neo-pentecostalism we find sociopolitical tendencies that ultimately spell trouble for left-oriented social movements in Brazil. <img width="3923" height="2907" width_o="3923" height_o="2907" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8596f00fa3f7d61896af77d8b75e427546bff1d381eb80857e4633fe723fd713/1CDD4975-6EA9-4F2A-8AFE-86736417E006.jpg" data-mid="166934464" border="0" data-scale="96" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8596f00fa3f7d61896af77d8b75e427546bff1d381eb80857e4633fe723fd713/1CDD4975-6EA9-4F2A-8AFE-86736417E006.jpg" /> When we take a look at the current statistics pertaining to&nbsp; the national religious communities, Catholics are still dominant, ranking up to 50%. However, the "crente" community, as we often call them in Portuguese, is already the second largest in absolute numbers (31%). Evangelical churches in Brazil are one of the most perceptive and profitable investments, benefiting from unbelievable tax breaks as a result of them being a nationally recognized religious institution. Law nº 3.193 allows pastors to lead a double life as CEOs, overseeing a tremendous spread of temples throughout the country. Before we begin to explore the visual components of Brazilian evangelical institutions and their eminent political reverberations, it is important to explain a few concepts. neoliberalism within the brazilian context: economic catastrophe under fernando collor &nbsp;<img width="900" height="600" width_o="900" height_o="600" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0f8ff75613351b787c2ab12f39977c9fe12e518ef459fbd4905dbcc6ac429ad7/0408-Reagan-Thatcher-memorable-quotes.jpeg" data-mid="167025436" border="0" alt="president ronald Reagan and British prime minister margaret tatcher speak to reporters at the white house in washington, 1982. credit: ap/file" data-caption="president ronald Reagan and British prime minister margaret tatcher speak to reporters at the white house in washington, 1982. credit: ap/file" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/900/i/0f8ff75613351b787c2ab12f39977c9fe12e518ef459fbd4905dbcc6ac429ad7/0408-Reagan-Thatcher-memorable-quotes.jpeg" />Broadly speaking, our perception of neoliberalism primarily involves the exploitation of labor in the Global South by the Global North in a "post-colonial" but imperialist dynamic strengthened and&nbsp; severely dynamized by technology. It incorporates environmental racism alongside old Monroe Doctrine policies such as the financing of election interventions, coups and propping up tyrannical governments paid for with cold hard Benjamins. Another key component&nbsp; is the individualization of workers' lives and the implementation of a culture that sees the individual worker as an entrepreneur, followed by the criminalization and repression of public life. Organizations such as unions, social movements and other forms of resistance brought by civilian unrest are severely punished by a bourgeois state. And then of course there’s the matter of state intervention. You didn't read that wrong, however it is not implemented through the construction of a welfare state or a socialist way of life. It is through the continuously morphing facilitation of new, more aggressive paths toward capital&nbsp; accumulation, drafting a new chapter in the history of capitalism. What is to be said, too, about the uberization of work? The recent mass outsourcing accompanied by the negation and suppression of workers’ rights guarantees an increase in&nbsp; profit margins and surplus value extraction by a&nbsp; decadent ruling class. We see this happening in real time in Brazil, considering the recent and progressive dismantling of the CLT (Consolidation of Labor Laws), an important set of laws created in 1943 during the Getúlio Vargas' administration, establishing&nbsp; legal protections against countless labor abuses and cementing those rights within federal law.&nbsp; This rather abstract, broad and perhaps somewhat generic definition, however, needs a more specific historical follow-up. Brazilian marxist economist Alfredo Saad-Filho helps us in this task, in his article "Neoliberalism: A Marxist Analysis".&nbsp; The methodological difficulty of defining neoliberalism within contemporary Marxism is partly because of how it treads a fine line; it is abstract and universal, making it applicable not exclusively to different political and economic environments, but also to people's lives, culture and daily reality. Yet, it is also incredibly material and specific, in the way that it exists fundamentally inside set institutions, such as&nbsp; governments or corporations. The popularization of the term "neoliberalism" can be traced to the late 1930s within the Chicago School; authors such as Milton Friedman and other advocates of laissez-faire capitalism saw it as a counter to Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal response to the Great Depression of 1929.&nbsp; The main criticism from neoliberal authors concerned state intervention in private affairs, particularly market regulation that interfered with capitalism's freedom to be. Saad-Filho further explains that neoliberals thought individuals exchanging goods, services or information in open markets could better allocate resources than democratic processes or State guidance. This academic critique inspired a set of policies, practices and institutions inspired and/or validated by neoliberal intellectuals. As a consolidated State policy outside academic spaces, we can date neoliberalism back to the 1970s, with the Latin American pioneering privatizations of the bloodthirsty dictator Augusto Pinochet in Chile, followed by governments such as those of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in England between 1979 and 1990, and Ronald Reagan in the US between 1981 and 1989. It essentially consisted of a palpable&nbsp; class offensive led by the state against the working class on behalf of the ruling class or the financial market in particular. <img width="800" height="605" width_o="800" height_o="605" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0d173a998023414872d9841a63ad4ea4768915cad0b6ad653c05b223b78b983e/Fernando_Collor_fala_aos_ministros_e_lideres_do_governo.jpg" data-mid="167024521" border="0" alt="president fernando collor speaks to government ministers and leaders during a meeting at the pal&aacute;cio do planalto, bras&iacute;lia, brazil, c.1990. credit: sergio lima (ag&ecirc;ncia brasil) " data-caption="president fernando collor speaks to government ministers and leaders during a meeting at the palácio do planalto, brasília, brazil, c.1990. credit: sergio lima (agência brasil) " src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/800/i/0d173a998023414872d9841a63ad4ea4768915cad0b6ad653c05b223b78b983e/Fernando_Collor_fala_aos_ministros_e_lideres_do_governo.jpg" /> In Brazil, neoliberalism was consolidated belatedly largely because of the US supported military dictatorship that lasted until 1985. The government of Fernando Collor de Mello in the 1990s created playground conditions for neoliberalism to take place. Collor’s administration is widely referred to as a complete disaster, a really controversial one. It involved the decision to privatize massively strategic state companies, such as Companhia Vale do Rio Doce, which was and still is the main national mining company; and Companhia Siderúrgica Nacional, a central steel mill company.. He also decided to confiscate the savings accounts of millions of Brazilians for a year and a half in an attempt to reduce currency circulation, which caused social instability, mass depression and generalized economic anxiety. His actions resulted in his resignation halfway through his mandate because of corruption accusations that culminated in a process of impeachment and removal from office. The concluding perspective introduced&nbsp; by Saad-Filho is&nbsp; neoliberalism as a material structure of economic, social and political reproduction, implying that neoliberalism operates as the zeitgeist of capitalism. In that sense, neoliberalism involves the merging&nbsp; of a strong business-guided culture and the corporatization of life, due to the individualization of the working class, as well as the worker being socially perceived as an “entrepreneur.” This concluding perspective will be useful to us in understanding how corporate culture during our neoliberal era shows up in other arenas of social life, such as religion and aesthetics.pentecostalism in its corporate era Neo-Pentecostal evangelism, also known as the Third Pentecostal Wave, consists of Christian, protestant influenced movements that emerged around the 1970s. And in case you're wondering, no, it's no coincidence that it began exactly during the implementation of political neoliberalism across the world. In Brazil, Neo-Pentecostalism finds its most influential representatives in Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (founded in 1977 in Rio de Janeiro), Igreja Internacional da Graça de Deus (founded in 1980 in Rio de Janeiro) and Igreja Mundial do Poder de Deus (founded in 1998 in São Paulo), among others. Assembleia Mundial de Deus deserves an honorable mention here too.&nbsp; The fact that it holds a branch of the Arkansas-based World Assemblies of God Fellowship (founded in 1914) is another form of imperialist intervention through religious dogma, exported to a region that couldn’t be any more different. WAGF is the largest Neo-Pentecostal association in the world, and certainly aims to set out neo-colonial relationships within foreign territories. Because of its protestant roots, the morality surrounding Neo-Pentecostal ideology resonates with very capitalist liberal ideas. The Prosperity Theology is the formal doctrine behind this intimate relationship, which was already deeply explained by German economist and founder of sociology Max Weber in "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism". He argues that this spirit is the result of a historical individuality in which all relation systems and social connections correspond to a cultural totality. The spirit of capitalism is&nbsp; everything that surrounds it and not merely its material reality in political and economical institutions and leaders; it's also a part of culture, and religion is a great example of that. It can, therefore, experience agglutinations, inclusions, alterations and all sorts of adaptations. At some point, capitalism’s ethical doctrine was infused in Christianity, which resulted in protestantism holding as a fundamental value the duty of men to be financially successful and accumulate wealth as a means in itself, and as shameful to not do it so. That resulted in the spirit of capitalism being an ethically crowned coercion to generate private property by the church. With that logic, labor is understood as a maximum effort to obtain wealth. Wealth is seen as a sacred duty of men towards themselves and their families. Protestantism, as well as other related religious doctrines, operates in a very different ideological arena than other forms of Christinianity, to say the least. That is not to say that other Christian doctrines weren't also capitalist, but definitely in a less direct, strict and imposing way. What distinguishes evangelicals from other Christians in the current Brazilian social context though, is their growing insertion in national politics. This is attributed to two sociopolitical phenomenons: former president Jair Messias Bolsonaro, although&nbsp; Catholic, has devoutly&nbsp; promoted an evangelical agenda and is married to an evangelical woman. He has openly received support from pastors such as Edir Macedo -&nbsp; leader and founder of the Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus, the biggest conglomerate in the country; congressman Marco Feliciano and television host Silas Malafaia -&nbsp; both leaders of churches associated with the WAGF - in addition to other evangelical leaders who have united in the construction of the Bancada Evangélica (Parliamentary Evangelical Front). This is a group of politicians within Congress whose ideals are aligned with an openly conservative, neoliberal, misogynist, homophobic, and racist ideology. In addition to this, many right-wing businessmen have shown support for the former president and have also allied themselves with the Front, such as Luciano Hang - owner of the Havan retail franchise - and Flávio Rocha - owner of the Riachuelo department clothing store franchise. The aesthetic similarities between the front doors of evangelical churches and those of neoliberal establishments such as tech start-ups, coworking spaces, retails and shopping malls therefore, is not mere coincidence, sharing an array of social and financial arenas.aesthetics, neoliberalism and neo-pentecostalsBecause imagery is important to sustain our argument here,&nbsp; let's look at an example. The visual identity in the Igreja Nova Semente, located in the city of São Paulo, is very peculiar: the choice of modern, yet serif font for the outdoor sign resembles the aesthetic of coworking spaces or even pharmaceutical corporate&nbsp; offices. In other churches, one can even find words in English. The logo contains an open book with an&nbsp; aura emerging from it, resembling&nbsp; multinational minimalist corporate logos such as Monsanto, Novartis and others. <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/f75afcfad0ad8294885b08e8c5abf03a3612128b99cdaa786238dbee8c121b33/E95396BC-FA0B-4B3F-B5A3-063F0CC6A3A6.jpg" data-mid="166934470" border="0" data-scale="100" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/f75afcfad0ad8294885b08e8c5abf03a3612128b99cdaa786238dbee8c121b33/E95396BC-FA0B-4B3F-B5A3-063F0CC6A3A6.jpg" /> <img width="2811" height="3822" width_o="2811" height_o="3822" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/b6ec142055469ebc0b75396afdb02bcc33216fd62c254d7f88777d4ad679b42a/FCE62902-F8F0-420F-A36C-81FD6D0189FB.jpg" data-mid="166934472" border="0" data-scale="98" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/b6ec142055469ebc0b75396afdb02bcc33216fd62c254d7f88777d4ad679b42a/FCE62902-F8F0-420F-A36C-81FD6D0189FB.jpg" /> In the front door there's a poster containing the following: "They Prayed! Wednesdays of Prayer: a break in the middle of the week to have your real experience with God through prayer. Every Wednesday 7:30pm". That not only reinforces our point that evangelical aesthetics are connected to neoliberalism through design, but also because of the semantics: one that states that you're allowed to have a break from work in the middle of the week if it's for prayer. Not coincidentally, this church is surrounded by commercial buildings in the neighborhood of Paraíso, and the most important avenue of the city: Avenida Paulista. Another sign also says: "Want to be a volunteer, then subscribe here!" while pointing out to a QR code. It has a very social media-like disposition of elements in its design, making it appear almost identical to&nbsp; an Instagram story or a Facebook post. <img width="2985" height="3930" width_o="2985" height_o="3930" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/88cfa7691233a8fee77869544dee303edd3e7d50b0a9efcf4e856eee126ec9dd/410E996F-6A8E-436E-8F1A-73326BA61CA0.jpg" data-mid="167010414" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/88cfa7691233a8fee77869544dee303edd3e7d50b0a9efcf4e856eee126ec9dd/410E996F-6A8E-436E-8F1A-73326BA61CA0.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8cf5f019cbbd135752f3ab1ba47ade6eb3333abc01249b9f229923820cbbbc61/E96B793B-2197-4B34-9BC9-90574DB0D5E3.jpg" data-mid="167022463" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8cf5f019cbbd135752f3ab1ba47ade6eb3333abc01249b9f229923820cbbbc61/E96B793B-2197-4B34-9BC9-90574DB0D5E3.jpg" /> The entrance has a bland, minimalistic and impersonal design, resembling a corporate building's reception, with very bright white lights and squeaky clean floor tiles. The inside space where people pray and discuss the bible looks like a conference room, because of the dark gray unremarkable carpet, rounded chairs in soulless pastel colors, and to top it off, a measly projector hanging from the ceiling. These things relate to the corporate aesthetic, even though the presence of dim yellow lights in the more closed rooms creates a more intimate atmosphere. There's also an absence of iconography related to Christianity, like crucifixes or representations of Jesus. Neoliberal architecture can be defined from many&nbsp; perspectives, but most of them involve an absence of creative intention and a distance from local culture. Its hygienist and elitist tones reflect an anti-homeless attitude, with alienating constructions that distance themselves&nbsp; from the&nbsp; working class. With a commercial purpose, its <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/48701d8ae6135d02e0bb16d6c83a8fe096143234d71d0771940e9921e674767f/9E52BD91-8DD0-4755-831B-08D3CE40F216.jpg" data-mid="167010412" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/48701d8ae6135d02e0bb16d6c83a8fe096143234d71d0771940e9921e674767f/9E52BD91-8DD0-4755-831B-08D3CE40F216.jpg" /> end design is to please the tastes of the wealthy. No wonder most of the churches shown here are located in such affluent&nbsp; areas of the city. The architecture and interior design of this and other venues shown here are reminiscent of corporate meeting rooms, stores and reformed working spaces, amalgamating the mental image of a holy place of spiritual connection with that of a capitalist institution.&nbsp;No wonder most of the churches shown here are located in very rich areas of the city. We could also mention that the architecture and interior design of this and other venues shown here, which are sometimes reminiscent of corporate meeting rooms, stores and reformed working spaces, affects and mixes the mental image of a holy place of spiritual connection with that of a capitalist institution. <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/028702c16fdfe5e3a3bdf4e3af151c9f0963d8c6a82b91555c8b6ef3e6c089a4/E8324283-8005-4C7F-822F-D79243FB1431.jpg" data-mid="166934471" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/028702c16fdfe5e3a3bdf4e3af151c9f0963d8c6a82b91555c8b6ef3e6c089a4/E8324283-8005-4C7F-822F-D79243FB1431.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/cd68fcc883ac2530d6d680e65f8e0866881151d02b3e55c9f932a8c401c9f82f/522BF4AE-9434-4526-B673-9C35DC8D4C09.jpg" data-mid="166934466" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/cd68fcc883ac2530d6d680e65f8e0866881151d02b3e55c9f932a8c401c9f82f/522BF4AE-9434-4526-B673-9C35DC8D4C09.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/0bbfd370df328b830fb914d360973604263e0c28b503b046cc3152aee76c8c03/6C47F7EC-D859-4435-9027-BA1EF793E81C.jpg" data-mid="166934465" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/0bbfd370df328b830fb914d360973604263e0c28b503b046cc3152aee76c8c03/6C47F7EC-D859-4435-9027-BA1EF793E81C.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/a9d592cc847acde88bc43540876f568ce66ac92e3cbf72d3e518eb08db073828/585A8826-0B00-4FAE-936C-1708BC0497DB.jpg" data-mid="166934467" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/a9d592cc847acde88bc43540876f568ce66ac92e3cbf72d3e518eb08db073828/585A8826-0B00-4FAE-936C-1708BC0497DB.jpg" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/7e71898061ae8f1d12a3b7377a621ed038623fd915a1c033de7c06b4733f41b2/A2E4C784-7A5A-4CE3-B255-09EC27FB17E6.jpg" data-mid="166934468" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/7e71898061ae8f1d12a3b7377a621ed038623fd915a1c033de7c06b4733f41b2/A2E4C784-7A5A-4CE3-B255-09EC27FB17E6.jpg" /> However, it's important to acknowledge two things: we can't generalize that all evangelicals are radical conservative fascists, that's most certainly not true, especially considering that we're talking about rich churches for rich people here, which are not the majority of the community. Second of all, the aesthetic decisions made within church spaces are not merely vertical deliberations imposed by the pastor or the congregation, but decisions that go through the collective; through the community. To ignore the agency of faithful folk would not only be intellectually discordant&nbsp; but also dishonest and anti-marxist, given that the works and projects of temples are often executed by the very people who attend those spaces. What does this tell us? That perhaps what Max Weber described as the protestant ethic has reached a new level, in the sense that the resonance between protestantism and capitalism has once again reinvented and re-signified itself inside culture - architecture, design and art in general - adapting itself according to the needs of maintaining one ideology through another. The fact that evangelical churches have become big businesses in Brazil is reflected not only in the strong presence of evangelical politicians in Congress, but also in aesthetic choices that have transformed spaces of spiritual communion and fraternal gathering usually frequented by lower middle class people into corporate franchises. And that's not merely because the masses have their humble minds being manipulated by the evil pastors, but mostly because the left has been failing to be in those spaces trying to build, alongside the people, an alternative. An alternative that doesn't accept neoliberal ideas as given or as good, especially not as holy or sacred. There's power in connecting to these people to try and build a more tolerating, less conservative and also more politically engaged towards the workers interests arena, instead of letting pastors shove down elite priorities such as capital accumulation and private property expansion, surplus value extraction and corporate culture down people's throats. That would be a first step to change evangelical aesthetics, so that they can become something connected to working class interests and needs. https://loeterno.org/as-possibilidades-de-uma-mare-vermelha-origins-of-struggle-and Tue, 10 Jan 2023 04:08:32 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/as-possibilidades-de-uma-mare-vermelha-origins-of-struggle-and as possibilidades de uma maré vermelha: origins of struggle and contemporary implications of the brazilian left aminta zea 30/10/2022 español <img width="1843" height="1816" width_o="1843" height_o="1816" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/97510132aa3bb2aca24b58fe0a4c5954d43b16e9967a5268145ab61a94f14376/lula-2022.JPG" data-mid="165066694" border="0" alt="illustration by aminta zea, 2022." data-caption="illustration by aminta zea, 2022." src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/97510132aa3bb2aca24b58fe0a4c5954d43b16e9967a5268145ab61a94f14376/lula-2022.JPG" /> An international gaze is set on Brazil as the country rapidly approaches its presidential election runoffs, following a near-majority vote on October 2nd. Preceded by a neo-fascist Bolsonaro administration – guilty of a genocidal COVID-19 protocol, abhorrent destruction of the Amazon, ruthless execution of human and environmental rights defenders, and rapidly increasing economic inequality resulting from a deepening allegiance to corporate greed over sovereignty and self-determination – the Brazilian political landscape is not only tense, but radically consequential. <img width="1440" height="1440" width_o="1440" height_o="1440" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6cd39eaf7b293925e51d54b643144cc706f29af8abaea1fe9746f2910a6201c4/4046CC17-3927-4A0A-99C7-6C42F007E455.JPG" data-mid="165062321" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6cd39eaf7b293925e51d54b643144cc706f29af8abaea1fe9746f2910a6201c4/4046CC17-3927-4A0A-99C7-6C42F007E455.JPG" /> For Workers’ Party candidate and former Brazilian president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, his October 2nd results, polling in with a 48% majority, were just under the threshold needed to win it all in the first round. Yet, there remains much to be said about his popularity, legacy, and energetic capacity to not only transform Brazil, but also geopolitical relations globally.&nbsp; In an effort to diminish Lula’s preparedness, a consequence stemming from his impressive origins as a trade union organizer and political actor, and the magnitudinal strategization of the PT, corporate mainstream media dishonestly framed the first round of elections as a detrimental loss for the Brazilian left. In essence, it obscures the distinct sanguineness and persistent dedication within the nation’s social movements. The gamut of one dimensional, theatrical headlines obscure the overarching, multitudinal struggle incarnate within the masses; this article interpolates as a historical guide of the development of the Brazilian left, the transformative October 30th elections, and its subsequent ramifications. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6aed19b0a20750d9a0e4009cadf78ca07452ffca0f92bb3929fea0daf520ba02/IMG_2590.JPG" data-mid="165061974" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6aed19b0a20750d9a0e4009cadf78ca07452ffca0f92bb3929fea0daf520ba02/IMG_2590.JPG" /> It illustrates the condition of possibility for the emergence and consolidation of political projects of and for the majority of the population. Under an ongoing phenomenon led by a distinguished political and ideological formation which has undergone various changes throughout the past decades, these political processes not only impact Latin America and the Caribbean, but also the entire world. &nbsp;&nbsp; Delineating how throughout the past century, Brazil, and nuestra America, has experienced three major cycles of popular resistance by the left, Brazilian sociologist and political scientist Emir Sader demonstrates how the emergence of the Workers’ Party and the breadth of its coalitional relationships are contextualized by the current third cycle of Latin American left mobilization. Manifested concretely through institutional practices and social movements as modes of opposition against global hegemonic capitalism, changes throughout the Brazilian political playground are by no means isolated from neighboring countries; Lula, for both the nation and hemisphere, represents the opportunity of socioeconomic alternatives. To combat the agendas of foreign capital and US interests, joint work and integration would be radically facilitated through a Lula presidency. The articulation between popular governments and social movements, too, is fundamental, and we observe this in various paises hermanos such as in Colombia, with the groundbreaking win of Pacto Historico, leading to the nation’s first left government, and in Bolivia, whose social movements are closely linked to Luis Arce’s government and have demonstrated a resilient people power that has overcome coup attempts and threats to democracy. potentialities for geopolitical reconstruction As anti-imperialists and internationalists, it comes as no surprise to hear that Brazil, in many ways, finds amongst its palms the future of our planet. A key player as the third largest country in the Americas, it can engage in a critical leadership role; under Lula, it can guide the new wave of left governments throughout the hemisphere and potentially work alongside fellow BRICS member countries like China and Russia, thereby creating a fierce opposition to US government interests which desperately cling to unipolarity and hegemony. As the United States continues to clamor in its ongoing Cold War against China, and its blatant financing of a right wing, Nazi-adjacent government and miltary in Ukraine, its imperialist interests will be confronted by the potentiality of a left wing Latin American bloc which can reify chants for popular self-determination and liberation from foreign, Western interests. Operating under the complexities of a global phenomenon which reports the weakening of the left and strengthening of the right, a Lula win corresponds to new political imaginaries, such as the creation of a new regional currency (sur), which, as illustrated in a recent interview by former President Dilma Rousseff, could facilitate cross-border trade and holding reserves. This, alongside critical, multipolar leadership in BRICS, makes space for economic realities that no longer are forced to bow down to imperialist orders. Latin America, marked by its wave of rebellions against violent economic restructuring experienced since the 80s onwards, has the greater potential to contest neoliberal experimentation with one of its most wealthy and large countries under a left governance. It provides the opportunity to reject Washington consensus policies, best defined by development coerced and led by foreign capital. To fight against the privatization of various industries and natural resources, import liberalization, high interest rates, fiscal austerity, and pegged currencies, the articulation between popular governments and social movements is fundamental. Without this critical link, governments remain weak under the pressure of dominant classes, thereby making them unable to meet the demands of the most impoverished and in need. In conjunction with this concrete reality, there is also the necessity of a solid political base; without a strong foundation, popular governments are vulnerable to destabilization through lawfare and coup attempts. What identifies a Lula presidency as necessary and monumental is that it is accompanied by a political party which encapsulates a breadth of experience and capacity, no surprise when the PT is remarked as the largest left party in the capitalist world. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e15b93dddd3df6b4e99ce092fe5e786c04cce3a0f0d877984f9c50f19c8c1f14/IMG_2473.JPG" data-mid="165061971" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e15b93dddd3df6b4e99ce092fe5e786c04cce3a0f0d877984f9c50f19c8c1f14/IMG_2473.JPG" /> Fundamentally, Brazil and Latin America have no socioeconomic alternatives without critical collaboration and coalescing, something Bolsonaro surely has not prioritized. With recent meetings with the daughter of failed Bolivian coup leader Jeanine Ańez, the Latin American right wing continues to ally itself with white supremacy, misogyny, and class warfare; it is empowered through control of mainstream media and corporate enterprises which have no interest in the wellbeing of our collective peoples and land. Nevertheless, from South to North, projects of political emancipation and self determination persist. The right wing may attack Lula for maintaining diplomatic relationships with socialist countries such as Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Cuba, as illustrated previous Presidential debates, however, new worlds are being constructed in the midst of US aggression and interventionist policies; sanctions and blockades have not been strong enough to tumble the revolutionary efforts of the troika of resistance, and media intimidation alongside with dirty political tactics will not be enough to diminish the potentiality of Lula’s return. Throughout the hemisphere, we observe massive shifts that speak to capitalism’s incapabilities; what does Lula mean for the Caribbean, for instance, as Haiti suffers brutal interventionist policies, a consequence as the first Latin American country which acheived its liberation through a slave rebellion. Brazil may now have the capacity to reconcile for its military interventionism in the Caribbean nation, opening doors that reject the United States’ clamp on Black self-determination in the region. Further, we can begin to ask how Lula’s relationship with Cuba, who in September passed a new family code which recognizes same-sex marriage, broader rights and protections for the elderly, and measures against gender violence, feedback into contemporary Brazilian society? What role will Brazil under a left governance play in terms of fighting back economic warfare and building international solidarity? And what about Central America, so overlooked and yet a fundamental connection between the South and North? Panama, with her days marked by historic strikes against anti-worker policies propelled by President Laurentino Cortizo. Guatemala, who, like Brazil, has a significant Indigenous and Native community, remains in permanent mobilization against abuses by President Alejandro Giammatte. What new ties can be fortified by pueblos distintos, los cuales a la misma vez comparten tanta historia y lucha. Nicaragua, um país que precisa de solidariedade, which has built radical food sovereignty and shares such deep ties with Brazil’s Movimento Sem Terra. The reality stands that under a more progressive government, the potential for Latin America and Caribbean unification is heightened; possibilities to struggle and fight are endless in the thick of an international phenomenon which devalues life and sovereignty. Surely, Lula’s governance will not be as radical per se as Cuba, however, the successes and origins of his political trajectory, accompanied by the struggles set forth from organizations such as the CUT, MST, and other left wing formations, will combat the hunger, poverty, and alienation which has presented itself dramatically under the violent, neoliberal administration of Jair Bolsonaro. on historical memory and legacy; formation of the contemporary left politics in brazil cada um procura melhorar... e o Partido ajuda... ninguém nasce feito, nem nasce bom nem ruim... o Partido ajuda, faz a gente, de forma indireta. Jorge Amado Brazil's left forces are particular because its development was subdued compared to neighboring countries; by the time the US backed military coup of 1964 took place, the fragility of the left enabled the regime to undergo a rigid economic expansion from 1967 to 1973. Adopting an economic model based on exports and the luxury-goods sector, there was a shift in the labor force, with manufacturing conurbations sprawling throughout São Paulo. Huge industrial investment was also observed in Rio de Janeiro, with the implementation of nuclear plants in Angra dos Reis and the construction of the Ponte Rio-Niterói; these operations were extended to Amazonas too, with the construction of the Transamazônica, a gigantic road that connects the entire country from East to West, and the creation of an industrial complex located in the heart of the Brazilian Amazon forest region.Inherent to the cyclical crises of capitalism and imperialism, the exploitation of labor and natural resources in Brazil was justified through outward capital surfacing not as investment but in the form of fluctuating interest rates. Fragile and unstable, mirroring capitalism in its entirety, the boom of rising interest rates in 1979, alongside with the nation’s heavy industrialization, brought a shift in the “composition of the labor force”, unfolding a new left and the birth of the PT. The vigorous emergence of the party in 1980 is represented by three key groups: peasant farmers, base organizations of the Catholic Church, and young trade-union leaders from automobile manufacturing plants located in the ABC zone within the periphery of São Paulo. The range, and subsequent power, of the PT’s base is further reflected in the involvement of unionists in oil and banking sectors, former militants, and radicalized intellectuals. A heterogeneous cohort, its political formation expanded through strategic relationships maintained with groups such as CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores) and the MST (Movimento Sem Terra). The impulse of grassroots trade unionism, although illegal under the dictatorship, resulted in an emerging new generation of leaders including northeasterner and former lathe operator Lula, who carried out a series of strikes that broke the regime’s wage policy. A decade later, marked by the fall of the military dictatorship in 1985, the unification of peasant farmers, Catholic liberation theologists, and unions formed within manufacturing, oil, and banking sectors set the stage for the PT’s growing influence. Although unsuccessful in securing a win during the 1989 presidential elections, Brazil, and the hemisphere at large, began to experience a wave of rebellions propelled by the neoliberal economic restructuring that characterized the 1980s. For the PT, the democratization of Brazil brought a host of new challenges: the fall of the dictatorship concluded a specific model of capital accumulation, replaced by a liberal democracy that echoed Washington consensus policies that brought no social or economic reforms. Opposing the conservative model of transition but failing to call for an alternative comprehension of democracy, it was not until 1989 that the party was able to present itself as a palpable alternative for national government. At this moment, the international stage underwent the consolidation of neoliberal hegemony, representing for Brazil a surge of privatizations, mergers and acquisitions of Brazilian firms by foreign multinationals. Alongside the displacement of national capital, deindustrialization, and pegging the currency to the dollar, the PT’s working class base was severely impacted by rising unemployment and the weakening of trade unionism. Nevertheless, Lula and the PT continued to enrich their growing presence within political institutions, setting the stage for his successful election in 2002. building organizational power How the party was capable of garnering unparalleled institutional power at the turn of the century is a lesson in the importance of party organization. For Lula to win in 2002, the PT shifted its focus to the Northeast. National leadership deliberately expanded the party’s local infrastructure to carry out a stronger presence in the area, thereby resulting in the rejection of traditional clientelism which dominated the area. Preparations were facilitated due to an increase in party finances, permitting for a strengthening of the party label and national campaign infrastructure. On the ground electoral mobilization was materialized through two means: party activists, who engaged in organizing rallies, door to door distribution of written information, and transporting people to polling booths, and party offices, which managed financial, material, and logistical support.&nbsp; <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4a6e55fce56060029134f9547f6f80f21c49e03a432e8fb7592565bd77320454/IMG_2601.JPG" data-mid="165061970" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4a6e55fce56060029134f9547f6f80f21c49e03a432e8fb7592565bd77320454/IMG_2601.JPG" /> For the North and Northeast, these preparations were groundbreaking, as it transformed ideological inclinations so dramatically that now these regions are PT strongholds. The growth and sustainability of the PT is not solely because of the increase in electoral support, but also because of its long term organizational strength, which was able to overcome three unsuccessful Presidential campaigns (1989, 1994, 1998). Therefore, we can come to the conclusion that organizational strength in conjunction with electoral support facilitates contemporary parties to survive in the long run. By focusing on the poorest regions in the nation, PT’s political outreach led to huge electoral gains that benefitted a region traditionally marginalized and ignored domestically. During Lula’s first presidency, for example, we saw the creation of Bolsa Família, a conditional cash transfer program of “unprecedented scope in Brazilian history” that primarily focused on households which were headed by single mothers. Further, the program provided US$60 or less to poor families and children of recipient families were required to attend public school and receive periodic vaccinations/health screenings. By 2006, the program reached 11 million poor families (40 million citizens). For the Northeast, which is home to ¼ of the national population, households received ½ of all Bolsa Familia disbursements. Impacts included but were not limited to stimulation of local family and community related economies through increased consumer spending and a perception of Lula that was not only positive but continues to play out significant consequences in the upcoming Presidential election. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/932dbde83f0f0375059bd1481184bf67c2ff2299b3865872501d928ffcba9e0b/IMG_2489.JPG" data-mid="165061972" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/932dbde83f0f0375059bd1481184bf67c2ff2299b3865872501d928ffcba9e0b/IMG_2489.JPG" /> Noted organizational power building has proved to be a fortified strategy which has maintained itself as a legitimate mode of securing legitimacy and providing real gains to marginalized and working class people in Brazil. The attention and work enacted in the Northeast, for example, is significant because it has the highest concentration of Afro-Brazilians; understanding that racialized capitalism alienates and exploits Black people, surely, neoliberal economic policies by previous administrations as well as the Bolsonaro government, has brought painful realities to the surface. It is essential to note that this region was the center of agricultural production during the period of slavery in Brazil, thus accentuating the legacy of oppression and exploitation in the region. Only through a Lula administration will popular people power have the capacity to transform material conditions for vulnerable sectors of the country. 2002 operated as a pivotal year for the PT, and not only was it able to dramatically expand its outreach in the North and Northeast, but further, it was able to work alongside with critical organizations such as the MST, thereby creating environmental policy that challenged pervasive, extractive economic protocol which endangers land, food, and water sovereignty. Part of Lula’s current campaign is marked by his commitment to combat deforestation and constitute a socio-environmental agenda. This comes as no surprise – his first cabinet in 2003 incorporated Amazon rainforest activist Marina Silva as Minister of the Environment, whose policies by 2012 reduced the loss of forests by 84% (Jeantet et Maisonnave, 2022). Unification of grassroots movements and the progressive governance of the PT not only meant positive transformations surrounding economic stimulation for impoverished peoples and the environment, but his legacy is also marked by greater accessibility and equity to education. This was not only facilitated through the creation of Bolsa Familía, but also through an expansion and interiorization of federal universities from 2003-2014. To fully examine the growth of not only Lula as a world leader but also the work enacted by the PT and left organizations would necessitate a separate article, nonetheless, these brief case studies illustrate the impact of Lula’s previous administration and new alternatives against Bolsonaro’s detrimental policies which have regressed the country.consequences, contradictions, and challenges ¡Qué espanto causa el rostro del facismo! Llevan a cabo sus planes con precisión artera&nbsp;sin importarles nada. La sangre para ellos son medallas. La matanza es acto de heroí­smo. ¿Es este el mundo que creaste, Dios mío? ¿Para esto tus siete dí­as de asombro y trabajo? Victor Jara <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/445bf876e51016f08085ee6eefe887714397f91c5443413fcfac97061ef9a29a/IMG_2558.JPG" data-mid="165061969" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/445bf876e51016f08085ee6eefe887714397f91c5443413fcfac97061ef9a29a/IMG_2558.JPG" /> Anxieties loom as the election’s ambiguity poses dire directional consequences for the next four years. Yet, having been on the ground for the past month, traveling to and from São Paulo and Rio, the political landscape in Brazil is uncertain and yet optimistic that Lula can win it all. The strength of the Brazilian left is marked by the coalitional support currently backing Lula; with 7 parties, he has the broadest candidacy since 1989. Nevertheless, the media landscape, operating as per usual, has made it challenging for the left to distribute factual information which is critical towards pushing the vote to the PT. It is no doubt that during the 2018 election, Bolsonaro significantly benefited from the misinformation disseminated by WhatsApp and other social media platforms. Many of his supporters, for instance, pertain to the notion that Lula is a ‘criminal’ due to the 580 days he spent in prison on false corruption charges that were not only dismissed, but ruled that former judge and former member of Bolsonaro’s government, Sergio Moro, had clear political intentions regarding the convictions. Nonetheless, the right wing narrative surrounding him, alongside with racist dog whistles against marginalized communities that are more likely to support Lula, have all played an important role in the midst of a media landscape that promotes melodrama and false framing. Bolsonaro has furthered his use of media manipulation in order to repeatedly make unsubstantiated claims that Brazil’s internationally-respected electronic voting system is vulnerable to fraud. These claims have been spread by right wing allies in the US, such as Steve Bannon. Adjacent to the strategies of the US right wing, there remains a strong inclination that he will follow the playbook set forth by his collaborator and hero Donald Trump and declare, without evidence, that the results were fraudulent. Although the US has its hands tied with its ongoing conflicts in China and Russia and may not immediately intervene as it has in previous, if there is anything October 2nd highlighted, it’s that the National Congress remains conservative, thereby opening up the potential for lawfare and a coup attempt. Right wing mobilization and violence remains as potential emboldened consequences; the far-right president has a long standing friendship with Roberto Jefferson, who recently threw grenades and shot at federal police. Bolsonaro lied about having taken a single photo with Jefferson, and even went to the extent of utilizing automated accounts of social media to tweet the same decades-old picture of Jefferson next to Lula to try and erase the connections between the right wing allies. Nevertheless, the Jefferson and Bolsonaro families have maintained a long relationship engulfed in corruption, money laundering, and various labor violations. Incarnate with violence, Jefferson’s attack on Sunday was further facilitated through the CAC (Collectors, Shooters and Hunters) loophole. Instituted by the Bolsonaro administration, it allows any civilian to purchase equipment previously restricted to police and armed forces. It remains certain that the explosive and dangerous tactics of the right wing, not only limited by their use of armed weapons but also through undemocratic rhetoric, attacks on fair reporting, and red scare campaigning, the right wing is doing all it can to maintain power. To further illustrate, former mayor of São Paulo Fernando Haddad stated in a recent interview that although the polls demonstrate Lula is in the lead, Bolsonaro plays dirty politics. We can come to the conclusion that these dishonest political operations are heightened due to the right wing’s accessibility to state equipment and private financing, which will demonstrate class solidarity to those who have grossly enriched themselves on the labor and land of the people. And certainly, what is to be done surrounding the consequences of the military police which dominates the right wing in the nation: in Brazil we can observe the militarization of politics vs the politicization of the military. In the city of Maceió, located in the Northeast, we examine the ways in which the federal police “acts like the Gestapo” according to senator Renan Calheiros who denounced the Bolsonaro-backed coup attempt against Paulo Dantas, current governor of the state of Alagoas, earlier this month. And too, we cannot forget about Bolsonaro’s utilization of what has been argued as the “world’s biggest corruption scheme”. In an attempt to buy out congress and the 2022 presidential election, there has been the use of a Secret Budget which has resulted in the loss of resources for sensitive areas of the Brazilian state, such as health and education. Resources in place for the public sector have been transferred for what are essentially bribes for Bolsonaro’s congressional base. With a Congress that refuses to invoke an investigation surrounding corruption charges, the Secret Budget explains in part why voters supported Lula but gave Bolsonaro the largest caucus in the Chamber of Deputies. Funding deputies from the “Centrão”, which is formed by the Liberal Party, Progressive Party, and Republicans. Within 30 days, elected politicians can engage in what is referred to as “janela partidária”, allowing them to jump from one political party to another – the consequence resulting in 99 Liberal Party federal deputies elected to the legislature on October 2nd. Challenges posed under the current political playground are not only domestic in nature, but also incorporate geopolitical factors: Brazil, like the rest of the hemisphere, remains vulnerable under the motivations of neoliberal, imperialist interests that threaten democracy and self-determination.in politics, there are no empty spaces:&nbsp;what it takes to win Calma, porque tenemso prisa y el trecho es duro de andar, Calma, pero además constancia para llegar, para llegar, para llegar. Calma. Calma y algo más. Noel NicholaIf October 2nd can illuminate the long tunnel before us, it is that the strength of the Brazilian left has recently undergone a consolidation process through strategic coalitional relationship building. Alongside with polls that favor Lula we find possibilities of processes which are oriented towards sovereignty and popular power through emerging organizations which center solidarity and democracy. Not only leading up to the campaign, but also historically, the Brazilian left maintains the opportunity to develop practices which manifest the emergence and consolidation of political projects of and for the majority of the population. There are no empty spaces in politics, especially when we think about the fact that one of the biggest mistakes of the PT was its failure in providing acute attention and dedication to Evangelical communities, which were vulnerable to a co-optation operation headed by Bolsonaro and other hardline right wingers. Thankfully Lula and the left realized that and have been trying to reintegrate this important part of the population in its campaigning. Evangelicals are by no means a monolith, and although the majority supported Bolsonaro in the 2018 election, research conducted by the DataFolha Institute demonstrates that not all Evangelicals in the country are rallying their support for the far right presidential candidate. As the fastest growing religious community, composing 31% of the national population, key organizers and local activists have made it a priority to provide accurate information for Evangelical voters as the election creeps up. Institutional and grassroots cooperation in Latin America constructs avenues to contest the thanatological dynamics of the current capitalist mode of production; for Brazil, left leadership is not only exemplified through Lula and the PT, but also through the introduction of critical socialist actors such as Guilherme Boulos, an MTST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto) leader who in the first round of elections received over a million votes. The MTST has played a critical role in developing strong leaders, not only Boulos, but also recently elected deputies such as Rosa Amorim, who was elected to the Pernambuco legislature and the first deputy to have grown up on an MTST settlement. There’s also the impact of Ediane Maria's successful election, guided by the formación of the MTST. Maria, as a mother of three and a queer Black woman, represents an ongoing struggle for working class folks like her; she, like recently elected Colombian Vice President Francia Marquez, is also a former domestic worker, and the first domestic worker to be elected. The crux of solidarity maintained throughout the campaigns doesn’t just stop there, for instance, candidates like Sônia Guajajara, an Indigenous woman whose campaign proved successful, and Erica Hilton, the first Black trans woman to be elected member of the legislature, are also representative of the ways in which historically marginalized folks are able to garner institutional power in the midst of, of course, all of the contradictions embedded into electoral politics. <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c52f9cc3d6961b7816570722334d6952d6dbbbca49f227ba7a29ac7e14db588e/lula-nd-sonia-stickers.jpg" data-mid="165061973" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c52f9cc3d6961b7816570722334d6952d6dbbbca49f227ba7a29ac7e14db588e/lula-nd-sonia-stickers.jpg" /> Certainly, struggle is not easy nor is it clear cut, but with the PT electing 80 parliamentarians, and with a horizon that, on the week of Lula’s birthday, may also represent a globally impactful win, there are various avenues which can provide breathing room not only for Brazillians, but working class people internationally. https://loeterno.org/esp-as-possibilidades-de-uma-mare-vermelha-ESP Tue, 17 Jan 2023 20:45:30 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/esp-as-possibilidades-de-uma-mare-vermelha-ESP as possibilidades de uma maré vermelha:&nbsp;orígenes de la lucha e implicaciones contemporáneas de la izquierda brasileña aminta zea 30/10/2022 traducción por estefany londoño <img width="1843" height="1816" width_o="1843" height_o="1816" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/97510132aa3bb2aca24b58fe0a4c5954d43b16e9967a5268145ab61a94f14376/lula-2022.JPG" data-mid="165067718" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/97510132aa3bb2aca24b58fe0a4c5954d43b16e9967a5268145ab61a94f14376/lula-2022.JPG" />La mirada internacional está puesta en Brasil a medida que el país se acerca rápidamente a la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales, tras una votación casi mayoritaria el 2 de octubre. Precedido por un gobierno neofascista de Bolsonaro — culpable de un protocolo genocida COVID-19, de la abominable destrucción de la Amazonia, de la despiadada ejecución de defensores de los derechos humanos y medioambientales, y de la creciente desigualdad económica resultante de una profunda lealtad a la codicia corporativa por encima de la soberanía y la autodeterminación – el panorama político brasileño no solo es tenso, sino que tiene consecuencias radicales.&nbsp; <img width="1440" height="1440" width_o="1440" height_o="1440" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6cd39eaf7b293925e51d54b643144cc706f29af8abaea1fe9746f2910a6201c4/4046CC17-3927-4A0A-99C7-6C42F007E455.JPG" data-mid="165067717" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6cd39eaf7b293925e51d54b643144cc706f29af8abaea1fe9746f2910a6201c4/4046CC17-3927-4A0A-99C7-6C42F007E455.JPG" />Para el candidato del Partido de los Trabajadores y ex presidente de Brasil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, sus resultados del 2 de octubre, con una mayoría del 48%, estaban justo por debajo del umbral necesario para ganarlo todo en la primera vuelta. Sin embargo, queda mucho por decir sobre su popularidad, su legado y su enérgica capacidad para transformar no sólo Brasil, sino también las relaciones geopolíticas a nivel mundial.&nbsp; En un esfuerzo por disminuir la preparación de Lula, una consecuencia derivada de sus impresionantes orígenes como organizador sindical y actor político, y la estrategia magnitudinal del PT, los medios corporativos dominantes enmarcaron deshonestamente la primera ronda de las elecciones como una pérdida perjudicial para la izquierda brasileña. En esencia, esto oscurece la clara sanguinidad y la persistente dedicación dentro de los movimientos sociales de la nación. La gama de titulares unidimensionales y teatrales oscurece la lucha global y multitudinaria encarnada en las masas; este artículo se interpola como una guía histórica del desarrollo de la izquierda brasileña, las transformadoras elecciones del 30 de octubre y sus posteriores ramificaciones. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6aed19b0a20750d9a0e4009cadf78ca07452ffca0f92bb3929fea0daf520ba02/IMG_2590.JPG" data-mid="165067716" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6aed19b0a20750d9a0e4009cadf78ca07452ffca0f92bb3929fea0daf520ba02/IMG_2590.JPG" />Ilustra la condición de posibilidad para el surgimiento y consolidación de proyectos políticos de y para la mayoría de la población. En el marco de un fenómeno en curso liderado por una distinguida formación política e ideológica que ha sufrido diversos cambios a lo largo de las últimas décadas, estos procesos políticos no sólo impactan en América Latina y el Caribe, sino en todo el mundo. &nbsp;&nbsp; Delineando cómo a lo largo del último siglo, Brasil, y nuestra América, han experimentado tres grandes ciclos de resistencia popular por parte de la izquierda, el sociólogo y politólogo brasileño Emir Sader demuestra cómo el surgimiento del Partido de los Trabajadores y la amplitud de sus relaciones coalicionales se contextualizan en el actual tercer ciclo de movilización de la izquierda latinoamericana. Manifestados concretamente a través de las prácticas institucionales y los movimientos sociales como modos de oposición al capitalismo hegemónico global, los cambios en todo el campo político brasileño no están en absoluto aislados de los países vecinos; Lula, tanto para la nación como para el hemisferio, representa la oportunidad de las alternativas socioeconómicas. Para combatir las agendas del capital extranjero y de los intereses estadounidenses, el trabajo conjunto y la integración se facilitarían radicalmente con una presidencia de Lula. La articulación entre los gobiernos populares y los movimientos sociales también es fundamental, y lo observamos en varios países hermanos, como en Colombia, con el triunfo pionero del Pacto Histórico, que dio lugar al primer gobierno de izquierda del país, y en Bolivia, cuyos movimientos sociales están estrechamente vinculados al gobierno de Luis Arce y han demostrado un poder popular resistente que ha superado intentos de golpe y amenazas a la democracia. potencialidades para la reconstrucción geopolítica Como antiimperialistas e internacionalistas, no nos sorprende escuchar que Brasil, en muchos sentidos, encuentra entre sus palmas el futuro de nuestro planeta. Como tercer país más grande de las Américas, puede desempeñar un papel de liderazgo fundamental; bajo Lula, puede guiar la nueva ola de gobiernos de izquierda en todo el hemisferio y trabajar potencialmente junto a los países miembros del BRICS, como China y Rusia, creando así una feroz oposición a los intereses del gobierno estadounidense que se aferra desesperadamente a la unipolaridad y la hegemonía. Mientras Estados Unidos sigue clamando en su actual Guerra Fría contra China, y su descarada financiación de un gobierno y una milicia de derecha y adyacente al nazismo en Ucrania, sus intereses imperialistas se verán confrontados por la potencialidad de un bloque latinoamericano de izquierda que pueda reificar los cantos por la autodeterminación popular y la liberación de los intereses extranjeros y occidentales. Operando bajo las complejidades de un fenómeno global que reporta el debilitamiento de la izquierda y el fortalecimiento de la derecha, un triunfo de Lula corresponde a nuevos imaginarios políticos, como la creación de una nueva moneda regional (sur), que, como ilustró en una reciente entrevista la ex presidenta Dilma Rousseff, podría facilitar el comercio transfronterizo y la tenencia de reservas. Esto, junto a un liderazgo crítico y multipolar en los BRICS, da cabida a realidades económicas que ya no se ven obligadas a plegarse a las órdenes imperialistas. América Latina, marcada por su ola de rebeliones contra la violenta reestructuración económica experimentada desde los años 80, tiene el mayor potencial para impugnar la experimentación neoliberal con uno de sus países más ricos y grandes bajo un gobierno de izquierda. Ofrece la oportunidad de rechazar las políticas del consenso de Washington, mejor definidas por el desarrollo coaccionado y dirigido por el capital extranjero. Para luchar contra la privatización de diversas industrias y recursos naturales, la liberalización de las importaciones, los altos tipos de interés, la austeridad fiscal y las monedas vinculadas, es fundamental la articulación entre los gobiernos populares y los movimientos sociales. Sin este vínculo crítico, los gobiernos siguen siendo débiles ante la presión de las clases dominantes, lo que los hace incapaces de satisfacer las demandas de los más empobrecidos y necesitados. Junto a esta realidad concreta, está también la necesidad de una base política sólida; sin unos cimientos fuertes, los gobiernos populares son vulnerables a la desestabilización a través de la guerra de leyes y los intentos de golpe de estado. Lo que identifica una presidencia de Lula como necesaria y monumental es que va acompañada de un partido político que encierra una amplia experiencia y capacidad, lo que no es de extrañar cuando se señala al PT como el mayor partido de izquierda del mundo capitalista. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e15b93dddd3df6b4e99ce092fe5e786c04cce3a0f0d877984f9c50f19c8c1f14/IMG_2473.JPG" data-mid="165067713" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e15b93dddd3df6b4e99ce092fe5e786c04cce3a0f0d877984f9c50f19c8c1f14/IMG_2473.JPG" />Fundamentalmente, Brasil y América Latina no tienen alternativas socioeconómicas sin colaboración y coalescencia crítica, algo que Bolsonaro seguramente no ha priorizado. Con las recientes reuniones con la hija del fallido golpista boliviano Jeanine Ańez, la derecha latinoamericana sigue aliándose con la supremacía blanca, la misoginia y la guerra de clases; se empodera a través del control de los medios de comunicación dominantes y de las empresas corporativas que no tienen ningún interés en el bienestar de nuestros pueblos y tierras colectivas. Sin embargo, desde el Sur hasta el Norte, persisten los proyectos de emancipación política y autodeterminación. La derecha puede atacar a Lula por mantener relaciones diplomáticas con países socialistas como Nicaragua, Venezuela y Cuba, como se ha ilustrado en anteriores debates presidenciales, sin embargo, se están construyendo nuevos mundos en medio de la agresión y las políticas intervencionistas de Estados Unidos; las sanciones y los bloqueos no han sido lo suficientemente fuertes como para tumbar los esfuerzos revolucionarios de la troika de la resistencia, y la intimidación mediática junto con las tácticas políticas sucias no serán suficientes para disminuir la potencialidad del regreso de Lula. En todo el hemisferio, observamos cambios masivos que hablan de las incapacidades del capitalismo; qué significa Lula para el Caribe, por ejemplo, ya que Haití sufre brutales políticas intervencionistas, una consecuencia como primer país latinoamericano que logró su liberación a través de una rebelión de esclavos. Brasil puede tener ahora la capacidad de reconciliarse por su intervencionismo militar en la nación caribeña, abriendo las puertas que rechazan el cepo de Estados Unidos a la autodeterminación negra en la región. Además, podemos empezar a preguntarnos cómo se retroalimenta en la sociedad brasileña contemporánea la relación de Lula con Cuba, que en septiembre aprobó un nuevo código de familia que reconoce el matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo, mayores derechos y protecciones para los ancianos y medidas contra la violencia de género. ¿Qué papel desempeñará Brasil bajo un gobierno de izquierdas en términos de lucha contra la guerra económica y de construcción de la solidaridad internacional? ¿Y qué decir de Centroamérica, tan olvidada y sin embargo conexión fundamental entre el Sur y el Norte? Panamá, con sus días marcados por las históricas huelgas contra las políticas antiobreras impulsadas por el presidente Laurentino Cortizo. Guatemala, que, al igual que Brasil, cuenta con una importante comunidad indígena y nativa, permanece en permanente movilización contra los abusos del presidente Alejandro Giammatte. Que nuevos lazos pueden ser fortificados por pueblos distintos, los cuales a la misma vez comparten tanta historia y lucha. Nicaragua, un país que precisa de solidaridad, que ha construido una soberanía alimentaria radical y que comparte unos lazos tan profundos con el Movimiento Sem Terra de Brasil. La realidad es que bajo un gobierno más progresista, el potencial de unificación de América Latina y el Caribe se acrecienta; las posibilidades de lucha y combate son infinitas en medio de un fenómeno internacional que devalúa la vida y la soberanía. Seguramente, el gobierno de Lula no será tan radical per se como el de Cuba, sin embargo, los éxitos y los orígenes de su trayectoria política, acompañados de las luchas planteadas desde organizaciones como la CUT, el MST y otras formaciones de izquierda, combatirán el hambre, la pobreza y la alienación que se ha presentado dramáticamente bajo la violenta y neoliberal administración de Jair Bolsonaro.sobre la memória histórica y el legado; formación de la política de izquierda contemporánea en brasil cada um procura melhorar... e o Partido ajuda... ninguém nasce feito, nem nasce bom nem ruim... o Partido ajuda, faz a gente, de forma indireta. Jorge Amado Las fuerzas de izquierda de Brasil son particulares porque su desarrollo fue tenue en comparación con los países vecinos; cuando se produjo el golpe militar de 1964, respaldado por Estados Unidos, la fragilidad de la izquierda permitió al régimen experimentar una rígida expansión económica entre 1967 y 1973. Al adoptar un modelo económico basado en las exportaciones y en el sector de los bienes de lujo, se produjo un desplazamiento de la mano de obra, y las aglomeraciones industriales se extendieron por todo São Paulo. También se observaron enormes inversiones industriales en Río de Janeiro, con la implantación de centrales nucleares en Angra dos Reis y la construcción del puente Río-Niterói; estas operaciones se extendieron también a Amazonas, con la construcción de la Transamazónica, una gigantesca carretera que conecta todo el país de este a oeste, y la creación de un complejo industrial situado en el corazón de la región forestal amazónica brasileña. Inherente a las crisis cíclicas del capitalismo y del imperialismo, la explotación de la mano de obra y de los recursos naturales en Brasil se justificó a través de la salida del capital, que no surgió como inversión sino en forma de tasas de interés fluctuantes. Frágil e inestable, reflejando el capitalismo en su totalidad, el auge de las tasas de interés en 1979, junto con la fuerte industrialización de la nación, trajo un cambio en la "composición de la fuerza de trabajo", desplegando una nueva izquierda y el nacimiento del PT. El vigoroso surgimiento del partido en 1980 está representado por tres grupos clave: los campesinos, las organizaciones de base de la Iglesia católica y los jóvenes dirigentes sindicales de las fábricas de automóviles situadas en la zona ABC de la periferia de São Paulo. El alcance, y posterior poder, de la base del PT se refleja además en la participación de sindicalistas de los sectores petrolero y bancario, antiguos militantes e intelectuales radicalizados. Una cohorte heterogénea, su formación política se expandió a través de las relaciones estratégicas mantenidas con grupos como la CUT (Central Única de los Trabajadores) y el MST (Movimiento Sin Tierra). El impulso del sindicalismo de base, aunque ilegal bajo la dictadura, dio lugar a una nueva generación de líderes emergentes, entre ellos el nordista y ex tornero Lula, que llevó a cabo una serie de huelgas que rompieron la política salarial del régimen. Una década más tarde, marcada por la caída de la dictadura militar en 1985, la unificación de los campesinos, los teólogos católicos de la liberación y los sindicatos formados en los sectores manufacturero, petrolero y bancario sentaron las bases para la creciente influencia del PT. Aunque no consiguió la victoria en las elecciones presidenciales de 1989, Brasil, y el hemisferio en general, comenzaron a experimentar una ola de rebeliones impulsadas por la reestructuración económica neoliberal que caracterizó la década de 1980. Para el PT, la democratización de Brasil trajo consigo una serie de nuevos retos: la caída de la dictadura concluyó un modelo específico de acumulación de capital, sustituido por una democracia liberal que se hizo eco de las políticas de consenso de Washington y que no trajo consigo reformas sociales ni económicas. Al oponerse al modelo conservador de la transición, pero sin reclamar una comprensión alternativa de la democracia, no fue hasta 1989 que el partido pudo presentarse como una alternativa palpable para el gobierno nacional. En ese momento, el escenario internacional vivió la consolidación de la hegemonía neoliberal, representando para Brasil una oleada de privatizaciones, fusiones y adquisiciones de empresas brasileñas por parte de multinacionales extranjeras. Junto con el desplazamiento del capital nacional, la desindustrialización y la vinculación de la moneda al dólar, la base de la clase trabajadora del PT se vio gravemente afectada por el aumento del desempleo y el debilitamiento del sindicalismo. No obstante, Lula y el PT siguieron enriqueciendo su creciente presencia en las instituciones políticas, preparando el terreno para su exitosa elección en 2002. construir el poder de la organización La forma en que el partido fue capaz de acumular un poder institucional sin parangón en el cambio de siglo es una lección sobre la importancia de la organización del partido. Para que Lula ganara en 2002, el PT cambió su enfoque hacia el Nordeste. La dirección nacional amplió deliberadamente la infraestructura local del partido para llevar a cabo una mayor presencia en la zona, lo que supuso el rechazo del tradicional clientelismo que dominaba la zona. Los preparativos se vieron facilitados por el aumento de las finanzas del partido, lo que permitió reforzar la etiqueta del partido y la infraestructura de la campaña nacional. La movilización electoral sobre el terreno se materializó a través de dos medios: los activistas del partido, que se dedicaron a organizar mítines, distribuir información escrita puerta a puerta y transportar a la gente a las casillas electorales, y las oficinas del partido, que gestionaron el apoyo financiero, material y logístico.&nbsp; <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4a6e55fce56060029134f9547f6f80f21c49e03a432e8fb7592565bd77320454/IMG_2601.JPG" data-mid="165067712" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4a6e55fce56060029134f9547f6f80f21c49e03a432e8fb7592565bd77320454/IMG_2601.JPG" />Para el Norte y el Nordeste, estos preparativos fueron pioneros, ya que transformaron las inclinaciones ideológicas de forma tan drástica que ahora estas regiones son bastiones del PT. El crecimiento y la sostenibilidad del PT no se deben únicamente al aumento del apoyo electoral, sino también a su fuerza organizativa a largo plazo, que fue capaz de superar tres campañas presidenciales infructuosas (1989, 1994, 1998). Por lo tanto, podemos llegar a la conclusión de que la fuerza organizativa junto con el apoyo electoral facilita la supervivencia de los partidos contemporáneos a largo plazo. Al centrarse en las regiones más pobres de la nación, el alcance político del PT condujo a enormes ganancias electorales que beneficiaron a una región tradicionalmente marginada e ignorada a nivel nacional. Durante la primera presidencia de Lula, por ejemplo, asistimos a la creación de Bolsa Família, un programa de transferencias monetarias condicionadas de "alcance sin precedentes en la historia de Brasil" que se centraba principalmente en los hogares encabezados por madres solteras. Además, el programa proporcionaba 60 dólares o menos a las familias pobres y los niños de las familias receptoras debían asistir a la escuela pública y recibir vacunas/exámenes de salud periódicos. En 2006, el programa llegó a 11 millones de familias pobres (40 millones de ciudadanos). En el noreste, donde vive la cuarta parte de la población nacional, las familias recibieron la mitad de los desembolsos de Bolsa Familia. Los impactos incluyeron, pero no se limitaron, a la estimulación de las economías locales relacionadas con la familia y la comunidad mediante el aumento del gasto de los consumidores y una percepción de Lula que no sólo fue positiva, sino que sigue teniendo consecuencias importantes en las próximas elecciones presidenciales. <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/932dbde83f0f0375059bd1481184bf67c2ff2299b3865872501d928ffcba9e0b/IMG_2489.JPG" data-mid="165067714" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/932dbde83f0f0375059bd1481184bf67c2ff2299b3865872501d928ffcba9e0b/IMG_2489.JPG" />La construcción del poder organizativo ha demostrado ser una estrategia fortificada que se ha mantenido como un modo legítimo de asegurar la legitimidad y proporcionar ganancias reales a los marginados y a la clase trabajadora en Brasil. La atención y el trabajo promulgado en el Nordeste, por ejemplo, es significativo porque también es una de las regiones más negras del país; entendiendo que el capitalismo racializado aliena y explota a los negros, seguramente, las políticas económicas neoliberales de las administraciones anteriores, así como el gobierno de Bolsonaro, han traído realidades dolorosas a la superficie. Es esencial señalar que esta región fue el centro de la producción agrícola durante el período de la esclavitud en Brasil, acentuando así el legado de opresión y explotación en la región. Sólo con un gobierno de Lula el poder popular tendrá la capacidad de transformar las condiciones materiales de los sectores vulnerables del país. El 2002 fue un año crucial para el PT, ya que no sólo fue capaz de ampliar drásticamente su alcance en el Norte y el Nordeste, sino que además pudo trabajar junto a organizaciones críticas como el MST, creando así una política medioambiental que desafiaba el protocolo económico extractivo generalizado que pone en peligro la soberanía de la tierra, los alimentos y el agua. Parte de la actual campaña de Lula está marcada por su compromiso de combatir la deforestación y constituir una agenda socioambiental. Esto no es una sorpresa: su primer gabinete, en 2003, incorporó a la activista de la selva amazónica Marina Silva como ministra de Medio Ambiente, cuyas políticas, hasta 2012, redujeron la pérdida de bosques en un 84% (Jeantet et Maisonnave, 2022). La unificación de los movimientos populares y la gobernanza progresista del PT no sólo significaron transformaciones positivas en torno al estímulo económico para los pueblos empobrecidos y el medio ambiente, sino que su legado también está marcado por una mayor accesibilidad y equidad a la educación. Esto no sólo se facilitó con la creación de Bolsa Familia, sino también con la ampliación e interiorización de las universidades federales entre 2003 y 2014. Examinar completamente el crecimiento no sólo de Lula como líder mundial, sino también el trabajo promulgado por el PT y las organizaciones de izquierda requeriría un artículo separado, sin embargo, estos breves estudios de caso ilustran el impacto de la administración anterior de Lula y las nuevas alternativas contra las políticas perjudiciales de Bolsonaro que han retrocedido el país. consecuencias, contradicciones y desafíos ¡Qué espanto causa el rostro del facismo! Llevan a cabo sus planes con precisión artera&nbsp;sin importarles nada. La sangre para ellos son medallas. La matanza es acto de heroí­smo. ¿Es este el mundo que creaste, Dios mío? ¿Para esto tus siete dí­as de asombro y trabajo? Victor Jara <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/445bf876e51016f08085ee6eefe887714397f91c5443413fcfac97061ef9a29a/IMG_2558.JPG" data-mid="165067711" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/445bf876e51016f08085ee6eefe887714397f91c5443413fcfac97061ef9a29a/IMG_2558.JPG" />La ambigüedad de las elecciones plantea consecuencias nefastas para los próximos cuatro años. Sin embargo, después de haber estado sobre el terreno durante el último mes, viajando desde y hacia São Paulo y Río, el panorama político de Brasil es incierto y, a la vez, optimista en cuanto a que Lula puede ganarlo todo. La fuerza de la izquierda brasileña está marcada por el apoyo de la coalición que actualmente respalda a Lula; con 7 partidos, tiene la candidatura más amplia desde 1989. Sin embargo, el panorama de los medios de comunicación, que funcionan como de costumbre, ha dificultado a la izquierda la distribución de información objetiva, que es fundamental para empujar el voto hacia el PT. No cabe duda de que durante las elecciones de 2018, Bolsonaro se benefició significativamente de la desinformación difundida por WhatsApp y otras plataformas de medios sociales. Muchos de sus partidarios, por ejemplo, se aferran a la noción de que Lula es un "criminal" debido a los 580 días que pasó en prisión por falsos cargos de corrupción que no sólo fueron desestimados, sino que se dictaminó que el ex juez y ex miembro del gobierno de Bolsonaro, Sergio Moro, tenía claras intenciones políticas en relación con las condenas. Sin embargo, la narrativa de la derecha que lo rodea, junto con los silbidos racistas contra las comunidades marginadas que son más propensas a apoyar a Lula, han jugado un papel importante en medio de un paisaje mediático que promueve el melodrama y el falso encuadre. Bolsonaro ha seguido utilizando la manipulación de los medios de comunicación para hacer repetidas afirmaciones sin fundamento de que el sistema de votación electrónica de Brasil, respetado internacionalmente, es vulnerable al fraude. Estas afirmaciones han sido difundidas por aliados de la derecha en Estados Unidos, como Steve Bannon. Junto a las estrategias de la derecha estadounidense, existe una fuerte inclinación a que siga el libro de jugadas establecido por su colaborador y héroe Donald Trump y declare, sin pruebas, que los resultados fueron fraudulentos. Aunque Estados Unidos tiene las manos atadas con sus conflictos en curso en China y Rusia y puede que no intervenga inmediatamente como lo ha hecho en ocasiones anteriores, si hay algo que el 2 de octubre puso de relieve es que el Congreso Nacional sigue siendo conservador, abriendo así la posibilidad de una guerra legal y un intento de golpe de Estado. La movilización y la violencia de la derecha sigue siendo una consecuencia potencialmente envalentonada; el presidente de extrema derecha tiene una larga amistad con Roberto Jefferson, que recientemente lanzó granadas y disparó contra la policía federal. Bolsonaro mintió sobre haber tomado una sola foto con Jefferson, e incluso llegó a utilizar cuentas automatizadas de las redes sociales para tuitear la misma foto de hace décadas de Jefferson junto a Lula para tratar de borrar las conexiones entre los aliados de la derecha. Sin embargo, las familias Jefferson y Bolsonaro han mantenido una larga relación envuelta en corrupción, lavado de dinero y diversas violaciones laborales. Encarnado con la violencia, el ataque de Jefferson el domingo fue facilitado además a través de la laguna del CAC (Coleccionistas, Tiradores y Cazadores). Instituida por el gobierno de Bolsonaro, permite que cualquier civil adquiera equipos antes restringidos a la policía y las fuerzas armadas. Sigue siendo cierto que las tácticas explosivas y peligrosas de la derecha, no sólo se limitan a su uso de armas armadas, sino también a través de la retórica antidemocrática, los ataques a la información imparcial, y la campaña de miedo rojo, la derecha está haciendo todo lo posible para mantener el poder. Para ilustrar aún más, el ex alcalde de São Paulo Fernando Haddad declaró en una entrevista reciente que aunque las encuestas demuestran que Lula está a la cabeza, Bolsonaro juega a la política sucia. Podemos llegar a la conclusión de que estas operaciones políticas deshonestas se acentúan debido a la accesibilidad de la derecha a los equipos estatales y a la financiación privada, que demostrará la solidaridad de clase a los que se han enriquecido groseramente con el trabajo y la tierra del pueblo. Y ciertamente, lo que hay que hacer en torno a las consecuencias de la policía militar que domina la derecha en la nación: en Brasil podemos observar la militarización de la política frente a la politización de los militares. En la ciudad de Maceió, ubicada en el noreste, examinamos las formas en que la policía federal "actúa como la Gestapo", según el senador Renan Calheiros, quien denunció el intento de golpe respaldado por Bolsonaro contra Paulo Dantas, actual gobernador del estado de Alagoas, a principios de este mes. Y también, no podemos olvidar la utilización por parte de Bolsonaro de lo que se ha argumentado como el "mayor esquema de corrupción del mundo". En un intento de comprar el congreso y las elecciones presidenciales de 2022, se ha utilizado un Presupuesto Secreto que ha resultado en la pérdida de recursos para áreas sensibles del estado brasileño, como la salud y la educación. Los recursos existentes para el sector público han sido transferidos para lo que son esencialmente sobornos para la base del Congreso de Bolsonaro. Con un Congreso que se niega a invocar una investigación en torno a las acusaciones de corrupción, el Presupuesto Secreto explica en parte por qué los votantes apoyaron a Lula pero dieron a Bolsonaro la mayor bancada en la Cámara de Diputados. Financiando a los diputados del "Centrão", que está formado por el Partido Liberal, el Partido Progresista y los Republicanos. En un plazo de 30 días, los políticos elegidos pueden realizar lo que se denomina "janela partidária", lo que les permite saltar de un partido político a otro - la consecuencia es que 99 diputados federales del Partido Liberal fueron elegidos para la legislatura el 2 de octubre. Los desafíos que se plantean en el actual escenario político no son sólo de naturaleza doméstica, sino que también incorporan factores geopolíticos: Brasil, como el resto del hemisferio, sigue siendo vulnerable bajo las motivaciones de los intereses neoliberales e imperialistas que amenazan la democracia y la autodeterminación. en política, no hay espacios vacíos:lo que se necesita para ganar Calma, porque tenemso prisa y el trecho es duro de andar, Calma, pero además constancia para llegar, para llegar, para llegar. Calma. Calma y algo más. Noel NicholaSi el 2 de octubre puede iluminar el largo túnel que tenemos por delante, es que la fuerza de la izquierda brasileña ha pasado recientemente por un proceso de consolidación a través de la construcción de relaciones estratégicas de coalición. Junto a las encuestas que favorecen a Lula encontramos posibilidades de procesos que se orientan hacia la soberanía y el poder popular a través de organizaciones emergentes que centran la solidaridad y la democracia. No sólo de cara a la campaña, sino también históricamente, la izquierda brasileña mantiene la oportunidad de desarrollar prácticas que manifiestan el surgimiento y la consolidación de proyectos políticos de y para la mayoría de la población. No hay espacios vacíos en la política, especialmente cuando pensamos en el hecho de que uno de los mayores errores del PT fue su fracaso en la atención y dedicación aguda a las comunidades evangélicas, que eran vulnerables a una operación de cooptación encabezada por Bolsonaro y otros derechistas de línea dura. Afortunadamente, Lula y la izquierda se dieron cuenta de ello y han tratado de reintegrar a esta importante parte de la población en su campaña. Los evangélicos no son en absoluto un monolito, y aunque la mayoría apoyó a Bolsonaro en las elecciones de 2018, la investigación realizada por el Instituto DataFolha demuestra que no todos los evangélicos del país están reuniendo su apoyo al candidato presidencial de extrema derecha. Al ser la comunidad religiosa de más rápido crecimiento, que compone el 31% de la población nacional, los principales organizadores y activistas locales han dado prioridad a proporcionar información precisa a los votantes evangélicos a medida que se acercan las elecciones. La cooperación institucional y de base en América Latina construye vías para impugnar las dinámicas tanatológicas del actual modo de producción capitalista; en el caso de Brasil, el liderazgo de la izquierda no sólo se ejemplifica a través de Lula y el PT, sino también mediante la introducción de actores socialistas críticos como Guilherme Boulos, un dirigente del MTST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto) que en la primera vuelta de las elecciones obtuvo más de un millón de votos. El MTST ha desempeñado un papel fundamental en la formación de líderes fuertes, no sólo Boulos, sino también diputados recientemente elegidos, como Rosa Amorim, elegida para la legislatura de Pernambuco y primera diputada que ha crecido en un asentamiento del MTST. También está el impacto de la exitosa elección de Ediane Maria, guiada por la formación del MTST. María, como madre de tres hijos y mujer negra queer, representa una lucha constante para la gente de la clase trabajadora como ella; ella, al igual que la recientemente elegida vicepresidenta de Colombia, Francia Márquez, es también una ex trabajadora doméstica, y la primera trabajadora doméstica en ser elegida. El eje de la solidaridad mantenida a lo largo de las campañas no se detiene ahí, por ejemplo, candidatas como Sônia Guajajara, una mujer indígena cuya campaña resultó exitosa, y Erica Hilton, la primera mujer negra trans en ser elegida miembro de la legislatura, son también representativas de las formas en que las personas históricamente marginadas son capaces de obtener poder institucional en medio de, por supuesto, todas las contradicciones que conlleva la política electoral. <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c52f9cc3d6961b7816570722334d6952d6dbbbca49f227ba7a29ac7e14db588e/lula-nd-sonia-stickers.jpg" data-mid="165067715" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c52f9cc3d6961b7816570722334d6952d6dbbbca49f227ba7a29ac7e14db588e/lula-nd-sonia-stickers.jpg" />Ciertamente, la lucha no es fácil ni está clara, pero con el PT eligiendo 80 parlamentarios, y con un horizonte que, en la semana del cumpleaños de Lula, puede representar también una victoria de impacto global, hay varias vías que pueden dar un respiro no sólo a los brasileños, sino a la clase trabajadora a nivel internacional. https://loeterno.org/indigenous-sovereignty-and-sandinismo-1 Tue, 10 Jan 2023 04:08:33 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/indigenous-sovereignty-and-sandinismo-1 indigenous sovereignty and sandinismo Exhibiting how Nicaragua, and the isthumus at large, is far from monolithic, a visit to Bilwi reveals a unique mode of struggle that constructs sovereignty through cultural preservation brought into reality by rejectng capitalist, imperialist domination. Popular, multiethnic resistance is exemplified through institutions that are participatory rather than representative; here, decolonization is a verb rather than a shiny academic buzzword. aminta zea 26/09/2021 <img width="989" height="637" width_o="989" height_o="637" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8656da01781feb10e1ee00e9e90c89b85e01ead2550b953f848ce816b5536f00/fsln.jpg" data-mid="164310353" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/989/i/8656da01781feb10e1ee00e9e90c89b85e01ead2550b953f848ce816b5536f00/fsln.jpg" /> <img width="1666" height="1114" width_o="1666" height_o="1114" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/7141b5621a0ebaa1430272c04e287d1e26bb56ec23399680b795e50c1aa16318/AfterlightImage-2.JPG" data-mid="165070197" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/7141b5621a0ebaa1430272c04e287d1e26bb56ec23399680b795e50c1aa16318/AfterlightImage-2.JPG" /> <img width="1170" height="2075" width_o="1170" height_o="2075" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/170deb4ca0cfc9b88865bb0640b98c1df6c0cc34dc51c7ebe7c7b4882fca81a7/fsln-house-bilwi.JPG" data-mid="165070384" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/170deb4ca0cfc9b88865bb0640b98c1df6c0cc34dc51c7ebe7c7b4882fca81a7/fsln-house-bilwi.JPG" /> <img width="3024" height="4032" width_o="3024" height_o="4032" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/c53562654365e1bf84b2bbe206148c358262cda15ded644943c47202443bf752/moe-bilwi.jpeg" data-mid="165070205" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/c53562654365e1bf84b2bbe206148c358262cda15ded644943c47202443bf752/moe-bilwi.jpeg" /> <img width="1170" height="655" width_o="1170" height_o="655" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/68c360da23fd27c806de2d6ed68770e7062a2147baded143c12c96d5bda1368b/cidca-books.JPG" data-mid="165070369" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/68c360da23fd27c806de2d6ed68770e7062a2147baded143c12c96d5bda1368b/cidca-books.JPG" /> <img width="2906" height="1936" width_o="2906" height_o="1936" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2342faca002bebd666b893c1502dd4ad06a7df191e02b37536e03e7e22698475/woman-singing.JPG" data-mid="165070181" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2342faca002bebd666b893c1502dd4ad06a7df191e02b37536e03e7e22698475/woman-singing.JPG" /> <img width="1170" height="672" width_o="1170" height_o="672" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/7a3e98a50f74ad282f9022b2db970f9bd24bd980fd594cd7a411f97888275dd1/bankrupt-the-millionaires.JPG" data-mid="165070204" border="0" data-draggable src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/7a3e98a50f74ad282f9022b2db970f9bd24bd980fd594cd7a411f97888275dd1/bankrupt-the-millionaires.JPG" /> Amidst deceptive claims from mainstream Western media that President Daniel Ortega is mandating institutional violence against indigenous Nicaraguans, a visit to one of the nation’s autonomous native cities tells us otherwise. Located 520 kilometers from the capital of Managua, Bilwi, a port city in the North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, possesses a plethora of ethnic and linguistic diversity that contributes to Nicaragua’s rich history and culture. A quick stroll will have you hearing different languages such as Miskito, Mayangna, and Rama – each language is celebrated and preserved, a marker most notably witnessed at the city’s leading university, URRACAN (University of the Autonomous regions of the Nicaraguan Caribbean Coast).&nbsp; A young academic institution, its aspirations have been at the forefront of curating sovereignty – a process which we must remember is continuous, chiefly in the ongoing struggle against US imperialism and neoliberalism – URRACAN is a leading research center that hosts classes in various languages native to the region. Conversing with Dixie Lee Smith, the coordinator of URRACAN’s Institute of Autonomous Studies, we can learn how decolonized, revolutionary higher education can be established, and how socialist and indigenous&nbsp;modes of praxis are complementary within varying disciplines from agroforestry, medicine, climatology, and social science. &nbsp;To have higher education in the Caribbean coast, for Dixie Lee, was once a utopia; young students previously had to have substantial funds to leave the coast for Pacific cities like Leon or Managua to go to university. Prior to the 199 Sandinista revolution, it could take up to a month for Caribbean Nicaraguans to travel to the Pacific region for there were no roads as there are now. A trip that once took an entire month is now completed in eleven hours – it is one of the many accomplishments of the FSLN that go unnoticed by the West.&nbsp; Nevertheless, because we are never isolated from our historical pasts, we must comprehend that there is a lingering impact of the geographic division amongst the Pacific and Caribbean. Cultural differences, for instance, had also made it challenging for Caribbean Nicaraguans to study in the Pacific; both coasts were notoriously divided, with the Caribbean most notably being ignored by previous governments. URRACAN, for Dixie Lee and many others, showcases us what popular, multiethnic struggle looks like. It is honoring indigenous traditions within academia, best illustrated in URRACAN’s medicine program that incorporates native epistemology around illness and treatment. But further, none of the struggles and triumphs are isolated from the banner of Sandinismo. The merging of native struggle with that of the Sandinistas is, in essence, a symbiotic mode of interplay, fearlessly reinventing what sovereignty looks like. The national question, when interrogated by Nicaraguan Marxism, is answered through an ongoing practice of land back, first enacted with the 1987 Constitution and Autonomy law which recognized indigenous land ownership. In addition, the prioritization of native languages and epistemologies, and genuine democratic practices that equally recognize votes propelled by communities (Indigenous towns), local, municipal, territorial, and federal actors, all of which carry significant roles that equally distribute power. As elections come up, journalist and Tuapi community leader Raul Davis explains how everyone is mobilized to vote – to do so is ensured by the FSLN. People do not have to travel long distances to have access to the voting poll but rather the voting poll is brought to their front steps. Native autonomy and Sandinismo are harmonious because they fight against the same enemies: US empire, Western chauvinism, and the interests of neoliberal transnational corporations. Because it was Reagan’s military that bombed the Pacific’s Estelí while it also strayed Miskito people towards deception, influencing many towards abandoning the FSLN for the Contras. The coasts may be different however regardless of which ocean waters meet the shore, blood and collective trauma caused by the United States are still washed up today. Within the Nicaraguan tradition, to decolonize is to explicitly embrace revolution. Contending with the intimacies of Miskito and Mayangna people during the dawn of a new national paradigm, WANI magazine (which is published in English Creole, Spanish, Miskito, and Mayangna) from its first edition onwards has curated information on classical and contemporary Marxist theory, the speeches of Sandinista revolutionary Tomás Borge (1930-2012) and boasts articles such as ‘El banano es nuestra flor de pino’ (the banana is our pine flower). This article in particular is fascinating because it is an interview with the 80s music group Saumuk Raya, which means New Seed in Miskito. For readers unfamiliar&nbsp;with ‘Flor de Pino,’ it is a revolutionary song written and performed by Carlos Mejía Godoy, who rose to fame in the 80s. Saumuk Raya achieved national recognition due to the cultural support of Commander Tomas Borge, who organized them into&nbsp;a musical group. Revolutionary struggle particularly its praxis and cultural influences, physically and ideologically united the Pacific to the Caribbean – no longer would the Caribbean be viewed as secondary or distant while the FSLN governed. This is because the FSLN is organized through the working class, through the campesino; it is propelled into action by the social actor that once was disposed from their land, labor, and autonomy, and thus, we can affirm that the party is composed and moved by those fighting for their sovereignty. With this logic we can reiterate how and why indigenous sovereignty goes hand in hand with socialism. <img width="1170" height="656" width_o="1170" height_o="656" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/743170beb0d888dee1becef74ae985e795b05259822e4194899a39d63a8d0acf/diccionario-trilingue.JPG" data-mid="165070321" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/743170beb0d888dee1becef74ae985e795b05259822e4194899a39d63a8d0acf/diccionario-trilingue.JPG" /> In Bilwi’s CIDCA (Center for Investigations and Documentations for the Atlantic Coast), archives not only include WANI magazine, but they are also composed of extensive literature on gastronomy, linguistics, military history, sociology, agroecology, and gender studies – all of which speak from the material realities and conditions of indigenous peoples. This literature is cherished and open to the public and is currently directed by Esther Melba McLean Cornelio. She is an indigenous Mayangna and operates CIDCA alongside with the Bluefields Indian and Caribbean University (BICU). CIDCA arose after the successful Sandinista revolution and aimed to operate as a center for social scientists to document indigenous history; it has always embodied autonomy in its procedures for archiving information and rescuing popular Atlantic culture. With respect to linguistics, CIDCA spearheaded a movement on preserving indigenous languages such as Mayangna, Rama, Miskito, and Creole. Alongside with the center’s research, it is truly remarkable how half of Nicaragua is not dominated by the Spanish language but rather a wide array of native languages, cultures, and customs. Religion too, plays a fundamental role in the construction of autonomy and self-preservation. With the accompaniment of our good friend and comrade Raul Davis, we attended a Sunday service at the Moravian Church within the Tuapi community. Although the Moravian Church was introduced through German colonization, all sessions are held in Miskito. Religious texts and hymns are also sung in the native language and further, it is legal for all centers of work to be closed, thus ensuring full participation from the community not just within the service but in all other communal activities hosted throughout the day. Moravian Pastor Luis Mantaquell Smith expresses the congruous relationship the church maintains with other faiths, and in the same vein, he illustrates how different ethnic groups coexist, with many people opting towards learning other native languages to facilitate communication and cultural distribution. Contrary to the West, imbued with a modernist rejection of religion, heightening alienation, Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast combines the spiritual with the physical, molding a cultural identity that naturally binds towards a community orientated habitus. Community operates at the forefront of indigenous self-determination; when young people find themselves in legal trouble, for example, Miskito elders (whose age and wisdom culturally establishes a role like that of a local judge) have the full capacity to mobilize their community to engage with law enforcement. Rather than enacting punitive and carceral methods of accountability, the advent of indigenous community organizing permits for them to advocate for the offender directly to the police. Historically, this method has been successful in avoiding the offender being sent to jail, since it is widely expected that accountability will be legislated within the community. Both the local police and state honor this process. This highlights how the FSLN coordinates and tributes different procedures for dealing with harm and crime within the area. Decolonial and in solidarity, it is both the people and its government who mitigate power to construct different realities – realities that the imperialist West chooses to ignore. This report serves as a brief consensus surrounding the lived veracities of Nicaragua’s Atlantic Coast. Although there is plenty of work and development that must continue to be enacted, especially following the devastation of 2020 hurricanes Eta and Iota, Bilwi and its surrounding communities serve as a primary example of what it means to fight for one’s self-preservation and autonomy. In the face of US imperialism and ongoing US sanctions that aim, with all its racist chauvinism and self-interest, to delegitimize the resistance enacted by Nicaraguans both on the Pacific and Caribbean, I hope that this analysis elucidates a truth too often obscured by the agendas of the world’s modern-day colonizers. https://loeterno.org/las-quien-defienden-la-tierra-resistencia-en-quito-en-el-marco-del Tue, 10 Jan 2023 04:08:34 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/las-quien-defienden-la-tierra-resistencia-en-quito-en-el-marco-del las quien defienden la tierra: resistencia en quito en el marco del neoliberalismo //&nbsp;those who defend the land: resistance in quito against the backdrop of neoliberalism aminta zea 23/01/2023 español The following is a photojournalism archive which documents the historic paro nacional which occured in Quito, Ecuador from June 13th to June 30th in 2022. The strike operated as a direct form of resistance and struggle to the violent neoliberal regime currently upheld by Guillermo Lasso, whose economic policies resulted in a massive price gouging of basic consumer goods and fuel.&nbsp; Lasso’s government lashed out against thousands of protestors, many of whom marched from rural areas of the country with the intention of defending their soverignty, wellbeing, and human rights. Tension marked each corner, however for each miltary police stood hundreds of militant protestors who placed their bodies and souls on the front line in order to defend their land and people.&nbsp; This photo gallery intentionally focuses on the resistance invoked by women, both Indigenous and Mestize.&nbsp; <img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/eeecab9a15f8f9ae68fb1bf9aa3c2f0c5240f8fb9edc7e92d4bf561e9233bb3a/IMG_2425.JPG" data-mid="165755525" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/eeecab9a15f8f9ae68fb1bf9aa3c2f0c5240f8fb9edc7e92d4bf561e9233bb3a/IMG_2425.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/12b9c9c819e8062359e50346bd7407d32fdf99176055fd0c854c18cb280fd10e/IMG_2415.JPG" data-mid="165755528" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/12b9c9c819e8062359e50346bd7407d32fdf99176055fd0c854c18cb280fd10e/IMG_2415.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/04bc4e8a0a37d0b4b5d0bf42c3b81f62469bd57255ef1678ffca930b9e217f8e/women-quito.JPG" data-mid="164308238" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/04bc4e8a0a37d0b4b5d0bf42c3b81f62469bd57255ef1678ffca930b9e217f8e/women-quito.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/e5ec28a2b21ee90730e1bddcc0ad04d0962527d185e87a6d4a35893d9769566c/IMG_2427.JPG" data-mid="165755518" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/e5ec28a2b21ee90730e1bddcc0ad04d0962527d185e87a6d4a35893d9769566c/IMG_2427.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/933162ce36d318e4046f47bb544115b8aaaa6e4c03b482f1b6fa0ac6a27be41e/IMG_2411.JPG" data-mid="165755521" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/933162ce36d318e4046f47bb544115b8aaaa6e4c03b482f1b6fa0ac6a27be41e/IMG_2411.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/2c968791bedfbac41578167026410b2b61afe19bb87bf20c42dbe78ab863568f/IMG_2419.JPG" data-mid="165755520" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/2c968791bedfbac41578167026410b2b61afe19bb87bf20c42dbe78ab863568f/IMG_2419.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/400f0acc79ad8790ebfbca936a3fdd4c871286042a8d7debb6033ec4ff4de5f6/IMG_2422.JPG" data-mid="165755526" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/400f0acc79ad8790ebfbca936a3fdd4c871286042a8d7debb6033ec4ff4de5f6/IMG_2422.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6c4f07e16ef1cb667beb8504a31ae3599508e5bfc4a2a569ba32fccb3dd9b9af/IMG_2431.JPG" data-mid="165755517" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6c4f07e16ef1cb667beb8504a31ae3599508e5bfc4a2a569ba32fccb3dd9b9af/IMG_2431.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/596b7460e3e2f93d64bd1dd86c4a16f853250229710e21d22c0debd2e92c8923/IMG_2420.JPG" data-mid="165755519" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/596b7460e3e2f93d64bd1dd86c4a16f853250229710e21d22c0debd2e92c8923/IMG_2420.JPG" /><img width="5184" height="3456" width_o="5184" height_o="3456" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/afc49474ecc4d2f34331f5d97bfc30b6742085231af2401248eaecab92f37748/IMG_2426.JPG" data-mid="165755524" border="0" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/afc49474ecc4d2f34331f5d97bfc30b6742085231af2401248eaecab92f37748/IMG_2426.JPG" /> https://loeterno.org/dichotomies-for-empire-inverse-relationships-of-political-autonomy-1 Tue, 10 Jan 2023 04:08:35 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/dichotomies-for-empire-inverse-relationships-of-political-autonomy-1 dichotomies for empire: inverse relationships of political autonomy within nicaragua and costa rica aminta zea 27/04/2022 Costa Rica is lauded by the West as the “Switzerland of Central America” despiteits legacy of human rights abuses attributed to a neoliberal government. Thedeliberate media manipulation serves various purposes; while Costa Rica suffersunder the weight of neocolonialism, neighboring Nicaragua is dishonestlyrepresented as a repressive dictatorship. With the aim of manufacturing apolitical analysis that is both ahistorical and violent, disingenuous evaluations of Nicaragua omit the ongoing development of public services and reformsspearheaded by its democratically elected revolutionary government. Here, wesee a clear foil relationship molded by imperialist institutions and core countries, propped up by an inaccurate coverage broadcasted by corporate mainstreammedia. It primes Costa Rica to a continuous subservient neocolonial reality andNicaragua to a series of criminal economic sanctions, ultimately resulting in aneedless suffering that transcends borders but is always traced back toWashington’s greed. Contrasting the political arenas of Costa Rica and Nicaragua runs the gamut concerning livedmaterial realities, electoral processes, and surrounding international media coverage. On Sunday, April 3, Costa Rica held its runoff election, yet it hardly represents a participatory democracy, as both candidates signified the continuity of the same neoliberal, discriminativepolitical model. Incarnate of elite foreign interests, former President Jose Maria Figueres (1994-1998), whosefather founded the PLN and served as president in the 1940s, 1950s, and 1970s, encapsulates aCosta Rica etched with the whims of neocolonial oligarchs. A West Point grad who later went on to study at Harvard JFK School of Government, Figueres is recognized for his scandalous money laundering schemes outed in the 2017 Paradise Papers. Detailing secretive actions nowtransformed into open secrets, the documents revealed that as CEO of the World EconomicForum (2000-2004), Figueres received $900,000 in consulting fees from the Frenchtelecommunications firm Alcatel in order to bribe several Costa Rican politicians in various governments. Despite belonging to an elite political family, it was former World Bank official Rodrigo Chaveswho garnered the most votes on election day. Hand in hand with his opponent, bothcampaigned not on the behalf of poor and working-class Costa Ricans, but rather for theamplification of austerity measures that aim to privatize an array of institutions, curating aplayground for external investors. Neither candidate provided specific proposals that contend with an ongoing tax evasion and taxavoidance crisis, majority which conceal people’s fortunes. Pura vida, but only for some, CostaRica has the highest income inequality out of all OECD member countries, and certainly theprolongation of austerity measures continues to widen the wealth gap. This is the directconsequence of a political-economic system that centers multinational and imperialist capital,plundering the country’s resources through foreign debt and the exploitation of thousands infree-trade zones and agro-industry. Obscured with a façade accentuating diverse wildlife, sun-kissed beaches, and a bustling urbancenter to promote tourism, a closer look reveals a wide array of social inequality and politicalrepression coincidentally ignored by international institutions such as the UN. With a povertylevel reaching 23% of households, Costa Ricans have been stifled by imperialist, anti-workerpolicies that only enrich affluent foreign investors. Although there have been acts of resistanceand labor organizing, the Costa Rican government has done everything possible to maintaincapitalist profits. What is to be said for the 2018 teacher strike, representative of a historic culmination thatmarks an unrecognized but ongoing class struggle. 93 days discerned by the threat of aregressive fiscal plan by former President Carlos Alvarado, teachers mobilized panoramicsectors of workers and youth, becoming the bête noire of Costa Rica’s comprador class. Thelongest strike in all of Costa Rican history, its enervation was characterized by dozens of arrests,the police killing of 17-year-old Antuán Serrano, and the passage of Law 9635, whichcriminalizes blocking a street for protest. A contrived political reality dictated by the suzerainty of the United States, workers arecognizant of their forced juxtaposition against the puppeteers of finance capital. Although massmobilization is yet to be cultivated, confidence towards the ballot is dismal, best reflected withthe recent 42% abstentionism rate. Concomitant with the prevailing neoliberal economicmythology, President-elect Chaves will stifle workers with heavy privatization of key industriessuch as RECOPE (Costa Rican Petroleum Refinerary) and FANAL (National Liquor Factory), thus increasing the rate of informal labor ineligible for Social Security services. Diminishing the role of nationalized productions generates an ambit of social inequality,particularly due to the blatant denial of union representation both in informal and privatizedarenas of the labor force. Upon close examination, for instance, of the 2018 teachers’ strike, labor organizers could maintain momentum by virtue of belonging to the public sector, consequentially resulting in the support of three major trade unions – SEC, ANDE, and APSE. As worker rights are under attack, proletarian women are subject to an insurmountableviolence that can only be toppled through a militant mobilization against neocolonial agendas.While rates of informal work remain at a steady rise, poor and migrant women face the bruntof the lingering unemployment crisis, further pushed into margins of violence as many findthemselves entering the sex trade. Neocolonialism is the conquest of land and women. Here, the wretched atrocities propelledthrough the expropriation of territory and labor by the US government and its imperialistinstitutions consequentially subjugate local populations to an economic structuring that favorsthe demands of a North American tourist population. In 2007, it was reported that 80% of sextourists come from the US, and up to 10% of tourists are sex buyers. The Costa Rican state has legalized prostitution; in other words, it has legalized the rape of itsvulnerable women by wealthy, privileged white men. Cities like San José, Jacó, and Tamarindorun rampant with sex buyers, and popular establishments such as bars, hotels, and massageparlors frequent up to 400 foreigners a day. The global feminization of poverty, furthered byimperialism, upholds a sex trade industry that preys on colonized women through sexualcoercion and violence. The realities of prostituted women within a neocolonial country are notdivorced from class exploitation; imperialism and patriarchy are responsible for the rape andgendered violence of thousands of women. Representative of the ongoing assault on women’sself-determination, indisputable evidence detailing years of sexual abuse and harm could notstop Chaves from becoming President-elect. Costa Rica, a paradise for Johns and privatebusiness, is by no means the country the prevailing hegemonic discourse wishes us to believe. Amidst an electoral system legitimized by phony establishments such as the OAS, a perpetualquelling of labor movements, and a wealth gap adjuvant in materializing the desires oftransnational corporations, Costa Rica’s manufactured reality is also incapable of adhering to itsenvironmentally friendly label upon further investigation. The remnants of the exploitativebanana republic model are illustrated through nefarious agro-industrial rituals, therebyresulting in the highest intensity of pesticide use in the world, as demonstrated in a reportpublished by the Regional Institute of Studies of Toxic Substances (IRET) of the National University of Costa Rica (UNA). Averaging over 25 kg applied per hectare of cultivated land,according to the Pesticide Action Network, the use of pesticides in monoculture plantations areby no means a novelty. Banana republics, for instance, have been utilizing harmful chemicalslike Dibromo-chloropropane (DBCP) since the 1940s. Masquerading through the vines of a handful of wildlife refuge sites, corporeal Costa Ricapersists in its expansion of monoculture farming, resulting in a cluster of environmental andpublic health concerns. Take, for instance, the development of pineapple monocultures, whichwere of course financed by the World Bank and USAID. There is a significant effort to obscurethe ways in which the land use directly threatens forests and wetlands, and how agrochemicalspollute surface and underground waters, putting at risk the health and well-being of ruralpeoples. Since 2007, Costa Rica is the main exporter of pineapple, with North America and theEuropean Union set as main destinations. Transnational corporations like Del Monte and&nbsp;PINDECO have 50% of Costa Rica’s pineapple output, squandering any possibility for agriculturalworkers to own their land, labor, and production. https://loeterno.org/quien-somos Wed, 13 Apr 2022 08:23:11 +0000 Lo Eterno https://loeterno.org/quien-somos quien somos <img width="764" height="1024" width_o="764" height_o="1024" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/60a8c15c69a66ae6f73624ad9cff829502d4021707fb8327b1b03cee8f4e0695/WhatsApp-Image-2019-08-13-at-16.12.51.jpg" data-mid="178080799" border="0" data-scale="87" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/764/i/60a8c15c69a66ae6f73624ad9cff829502d4021707fb8327b1b03cee8f4e0695/WhatsApp-Image-2019-08-13-at-16.12.51.jpg" /> Leo Gimenes (they/them) is a Brazilian philosopher, curator and creative who's been involved with both the artistic and political scene of his hometown São Paulo, where he’s currently based. Their work explores mostly visual arts, music and the interssection between culture and politics within Latin America and the Arab World. Aminta Zea (she/her) a Nicaraguan-Palestinian sociologist, journalist and interpreter who has covered internationalist social movements for the past four years. Currently based out of São Paulo, the gamut of her work explores agroecology, food sovereignty, self determination, and identity within Latin American diaspora groups. <img width="928" height="1068" width_o="928" height_o="1068" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/5691d54bc2048e548afadf386507f107faee7dd95dab234ac625c9e5a0b8ae2b/aminta-picture.jpg" data-mid="178079617" border="0" data-scale="83" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/928/i/5691d54bc2048e548afadf386507f107faee7dd95dab234ac625c9e5a0b8ae2b/aminta-picture.jpg" /> to be a communist in empire is to intimately experience betrayal, and yet, remain persistent and relentless. lo eterno is a mixed-media platform, planted with the desire to honor the spirit of collaboration and resilience. the primary intention is to capture the verdure which is so vital in the construction of a new world.&nbsp; capitalism systemically creates contradiction and so, we find ourselves contending with our own inconsistencies. we are under a chronic disorder marked by grief, also accompanied by a clairvoyant insight that is unapologetically human. through a marxian scientific analysis, we wade through uncertainty with confidence reified by historical memory.&nbsp; here, we contend with the present with the use of archives, visuals, text, and audio in order to demonstrate what western media obscures. lo eterno is an affirmation of our humanity, collective liberation, and an acceptance of our multitudes. <img width="1170" height="1166" width_o="1170" height_o="1166" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/6c1620a1bca8577f94e46d48f0fb89f01a04b72db0727fde1d62232405d3013a/IMG_8631.jpg" data-mid="139524228" border="0" alt="revolutionary farmers in nicaragua, c. 1980. credit: aminta zea" data-caption="revolutionary farmers in nicaragua, c. 1980. credit: aminta zea" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/6c1620a1bca8577f94e46d48f0fb89f01a04b72db0727fde1d62232405d3013a/IMG_8631.jpg" /><img width="1170" height="1422" width_o="1170" height_o="1422" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/bf714cdedd0a3d28cd6652487014113274d59ababc52e9b7027f37c2ceefd45e/nica-street-art.jpg" data-mid="139521578" border="0" alt="street graffti in managua, nicaragua.&nbsp;credit: aminta zea" data-caption="street graffti in managua, nicaragua.&nbsp;credit: aminta zea" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/bf714cdedd0a3d28cd6652487014113274d59ababc52e9b7027f37c2ceefd45e/nica-street-art.jpg" /> <img width="1170" height="1165" width_o="1170" height_o="1165" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/4cb3297e8dcf7481da4282668f9d4fe976862a641dff23b2d02e4620ee2f093f/IMG_8634.jpg" data-mid="139524949" border="0" alt="detroit, michigan, usa. 2018. credit: aminta zea" data-caption="detroit, michigan, usa. 2018. credit: aminta zea" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/4cb3297e8dcf7481da4282668f9d4fe976862a641dff23b2d02e4620ee2f093f/IMG_8634.jpg" /><img width="1170" height="1442" width_o="1170" height_o="1442" data-src="https://freight.cargo.site/t/original/i/8df0606eb4ae571766fbc80ab5b74d92ea70397e84f88d7a259b29fd87892707/leila-tote.jpg" data-mid="139521169" border="0" data-scale="99" alt="leila khalid print, spray paint on fabric.&nbsp;credit: aminta zea" data-caption="leila khalid print, spray paint on fabric.&nbsp;credit: aminta zea" src="https://freight.cargo.site/w/1000/i/8df0606eb4ae571766fbc80ab5b74d92ea70397e84f88d7a259b29fd87892707/leila-tote.jpg" />